"Two out of three Malaysians regularly use the internet (even though large areas of the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak, where nearly a fifth of the population lives, pose logistical challenges regarding infrastructure) and a third of the population have a 3G mobile subscription. Broadban
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d household penetration in the capital, Kuala Lumpur, is 112 percent because many citizens have both fixed and mobile accounts. Nearly half the population is on Facebook with an average of 233 friends each, the greatest proportion in the world, all on social networks for an average nine hours a week. And they still seem to find enough time to watch television for three and a half hours a day and to listen to the radio for three hours. The outlook is for an expansion of internet and mobile-based platforms for news, comment, social networking, activism, and entertainment. However, a change of government is probably a prerequisite for the kinds of changes that would usher in greater diversity in broadcast and print, such as regulatory independence, repeal of the Printing Presses and Publications Act, and the dismantling of monopolies, rules on cross ownership, and political parties’ ownership of media companies." (Open Society Foundations website)
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"In online journalism, the virtues associated with ethics—accuracy, honesty, truth, impartiality, fairness, balance, respect for autonomy of ordinary people—are barely respected, largely because there is no effective way of policing this, and there are no legal penalties. Concentration of owners
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hip has increased in the last five years and transparency in ownership of media has improved only slightly over the past five years. The government controls media licensing—a process that is shrouded in secrecy, so that it is difficult to establish who owns which media house. The overall framework of policy and law is not yet adequate for digitized media in Kenya. The national ICT policy of 2006 committed the government to support and encourage pluralism and diversity. While this led to a proliferation of channels, it did not do much for content diversity due to the level of concentration of media. A lack of resources to build the digital infrastructure, consumer ignorance of what the switch means and whether the public can afford the end-user devices are some of the challenges faced in Kenya’s digital switchover." (Open Society Foundations website)
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"This report represents an effort to help with the process of evaluating media laws in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. As governments consider what policies to set up to deal with new realities, this research should help provide an understanding of the current landscape. When examining
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this landscape, we examined several elements that can affect journalism and free expression in any nation: penal codes, media laws, regulatory bodies and the overall effect of these specifics. At times, we also address how similar problems are handled in countries with greater protections for the press. Every nation, of course, has struggled with these issues—how to empower journalists to fulfill their duty while also protecting individuals and the society from potential harm. No reform of journalism can occur solely from within the ranks of the profession. Local media law, court rulings and other government oversight greatly affect the type of journalism practiced. To create an environment in which journalists can fulfill their societal duty will require a revision of the laws that govern them." (Introduction, page 9)
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"Das Fernsehen ist für die Menschen in Russland die wichtigste politische Informationsquelle. Nach einer kurzen Periode der Freiheit Anfang der 1990er Jahre ist es erneut zum zentralen Pfeiler geworden, auf den die Staatsorgane ihre Macht stützen. Die drei größten Kanäle Perwyj Kanal, Rossija u
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nd NTV werden landesweit kostenlos ausgestrahlt und gehören entweder direkt dem Staat oder kremlnahen Oligarchen und Konzernen. Die Monopolstellung der staatlichen Sender stützt sich auf ein noch aus sowjetischer Zeit stammendes Übertragungssystem, das fast alle Haushalte des riesigen Landes erreicht. Unabhängige Medien, die sich mit teilweise scharfer Kritik an den Machthabern profilieren, erreichen hingegen nur einen sehr geringen Teil der Bevölkerung. Auf dem Fernsehmarkt ist dies einzig der Privatsender TV Doschd, der sich im Dezember 2012 vergeblich darum bemühte, in das landesweite Übertragungssystem aufgenommen zu werden. Er ist nur über einige Kabelnetze und Satelliten sowie über das Internet zu empfangen. Online-Angebote wie die von TV Doschd oder der kritischen Internetzeitungen lenta.ru und gazeta.ru erreichen weniger als ein Prozent der Bevölkerung. Ähnliches gilt für die im Ausland bekannte kremlkritische Zeitung Nowaja Gaseta und den Radiosender Echo Moskwy. Solange diese Medien nur ein begrenztes Publikum erreichen, liegt ihre Existenz im Interesse des Kreml: Sie können im Ausland als Beleg für die Medienfreiheit angeführt werden, im Inland wirken sie als Ventil für Unzufriedenheit und Kritik. Zur gleichen Zeit versorgen die kremlfreundlichen Nachrichten der staatlichen Fernsehsender die Bevölkerung mit der offiziell genehmigten Version dessen, was in Russland und der Welt passiert." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Pakistan has long suffered from high inflation, led by soaring food prices, which has increased poverty levels. According to the United Nations’ 2011 Human Development Report, half the population suffers deprivations of all types. Only half is literate. Even then there are only 12 million televis
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ion sets (surely a desirable medium for those who cannot read)—one for every 14 people. This means a lot of communal watching of mostly state-owned channels of the Pakistan Television Corporation (PTV). At present, the only other terrestrial television channel is the privately owned ATV, in which PTV and the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation are majority (80 percent) shareholders. The sameness is deafening. However, urban Pakistanis are getting richer and spending money on alternatives. Thus PTV has ceded ground to more than 20 privately owned broadcasters with 89 domestic and 26 foreign channels, with national television viewing split evenly between terrestrial on the one hand, and cable and satellite on the other. This proliferation of channels has enabled Pakistani media to wield more influence over politics and public discourse than ever before. With this growing influence comes, however, a corresponding increase in attempts by the government to control media outlets. Indeed, state coercion and increasing censorship are among the greatest pressures on the media industry." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"Philip N. Howard and Muzammil M. Hussain examine the complex role of the Internet, mobile phones, and social networking applications in the Arab Spring. Examining digital media access, level of grievance, and levels of protest for popular democratization in 16 countries in the Middle East and North
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Africa, Howard and Hussain conclude that digital media was neither the most nor the least important cause of the Arab Spring. Instead, they illustrate a complex web of conjoined causal factors for social mobilization. The Arab revolts cascaded across countries largely because digital media allowed communities to realize shared grievances and nurtured transportable strategies for mobilizing against dictators. Individuals were inspired to protest for personal reasons, but through social media they acted collectively." (Publisher description)
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"The story of Kazakhstani media is of two contrasting dynamics: the increasingly controlled and innovation-shy offline space, and the vibrant, less-restricted digital environment. The rise of digital media has yielded benefits for citizens and democracy, albeit these are limited by the dominance of
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one political party and its leader. Nevertheless, media remain constrained and state interference remains prominent. As opportunities for working directly with policymakers in Kazakhstan are limited, the report calls for civil society organizations to step up their awareness-raising efforts and bring the threats stemming from restrictive legislation and the lack of regulatory independence to public and international attention. It also calls for a debate about the need to reform publicly funded broadcasters so that they serve the public interest." (Open Society Foundations website)
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"Die Chefredakteurin des oppositionellen Magazins „ADAM reader’s“ berichtet, wie sie arbeitet und warum sie die Hoffnung auf Demokratie noch nicht aufgegeben hat." (Einleitung)
"For more than half a century, North Korea’s leaders have relied on a domestic media monopoly to control what information North Koreans can access and how narratives around that information are presented. But the situation on the ground is changing, thanks in large part to North Koreans’ expandi
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ng access to unsanctioned foreign media and information sources. InterMedia’s A Quiet Opening: North Koreans in a Changing Media Environment documents this evolution based on research among recent North Korean defectors, refugees and travelers abroad. The project’s assessment of the current state of the media environment in North Korea suggests that substantial numbers of North Koreans are able to access various forms of foreign media. These include foreign TV and radio broadcasts, and particularly foreign DVDs brought into the country from China by cross-border traders and smugglers. Other vectors for information from abroad include smuggled mobile phones capable of receiving foreign signals, and the exchange of illicit foreign content on otherwise legal MP3/MP4 players and USB drives." (www.audiencescapes.org, June 18, 2012)
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"The Horn of Africa is one of the least connected regions in the world. Nevertheless, digital media play an important social and political role in Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia (including South-Central Somalia and the northern self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland). This paper shows how
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the development of the internet, mobile phones and other new communication technologies have been shaped by conflict and power struggles in these countries. It addresses some of the puzzles that characterize the media in the region: for example, how similar rates of penetration of media such as the internet and mobile phones have emerged in Somalia, a state which has not had a functioning government for two decades, and in Ethiopia, one of the countries with the most pervasive and centralized political apparatus in Africa. The paper also gives particular attention to the role played by diasporas, which have been highly infl uential in starting the first websites, blogs and forums covering the politics of the Horn and facilitating debates among Eritreans, Ethiopians and Somalis living at home or abroad." (Page 2)
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"This report has established that the jamming of Persian-language satellite TV channels is endemic in Iran, and is having adverse effects on both broadcasters and viewers alike. In Iran, satellite television is one of the few sources of news, entertainment, and commentary not controlled by the count
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ry’s authorities; it is, therefore, an important source for Iranians, many of whom desire opinions, information, and entertainment beyond what is provided by the state-run media." (Page 64)
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"At the request of the Norwegian, Swedish and subsequently Danish Embassies in Bangkok, International Media Support (IMS) conducted an assessment of the current media environment inside Myanmar during two missions between July and November 2011. The assessment was motivated by a democratic reform pr
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ocess initiated in March 2011 when the 50-year reign of the military was replaced by a civilian government. A number of small steps taken so far by the Myanmar government in relation to media have provided an opening to expand the country’s freedom of expression space. The objective of the assessment was thus to identify opportunities and provide a set of recommendations for potential international interventions on media development within the country for the short and long-term perspective." (Executive summary)
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