"This collection considers how digital images and social media reconfigure the way conflicts are played out, represented and perceived around the globe. Devoted to developing original theoretical frameworks and empirical insights, the volume addresses the role of user images and social media in rela
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tion to urgent subjects such as public opinion and emotion, solidarity, evidence and verification, censorship and fake news, which are all central to the ways current conflicts are represented and unfold. Essays include a unique range of case studies from different regional and political contexts (Middle East, Europe, Asia, North America) and in connection with different conflict types (war, terror, riots, everyday resistance, etc.). They also consider performative genres such as memes, selfies and appropriations as well as images conforming to the realism and authenticity of conventional photojournalism. In this way, the collection responds to the challenges of swiftly evolving image genres as well as to the continually shifting policies and algorithms of commercial digital platforms." (Publisher description)
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"This report covers key trends and developments in terrorist and violent extremist (TVE) use of the internet over 2022. It aims to highlight the principal shifts in TVE behaviour and tactics online, and to inform more comprehensive, cross-industry responses to countering TVE exploitation of the inte
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rnet. TVE entities have expanded their exploitation of infrastructure providers through the ongoing creation and maintenance of terrorist and violent extremist operated websites (TOWs); despite the increasing prominence of TOWs in the online ecosystem, these service providers are frequently left out of the discussion of countering TVE exploitation of the internet. We have highlighted in this report some of our successes of 2022, which include domain level disruption of TVE entities online as well as our broader support for the entire tech ecosystem." (Introduction, page 4)
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"States should interpret – and apply – existing rules in a manner that ensures adequate and sufficient protection for civilians and civilian infrastructure, information and communication technology (ICT) systems and data in our ever-increasingly digitalised societies. Academia, tech companies, s
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tates and humanitarians should work together to better understand the impact of misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech in contexts affected by armed conflict and violence, and to identify ways to address it. The humanitarian community must join forces – and find partners – to ensure the best possible protection against cyber operations targeting humanitarian operations and personal data entrusted to us." (Key issues, page 1)
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"This chapter explores digital drivers of conflict. We examine how technologies are affecting conflict dynamics and what peacebuilders can do to mitigate these effects. We argue that because digital technologies are fundamentally altering the human experience, they are by extension fundamentally alt
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ering conflicts. We propose a framework for understanding the impact of technology on conflict, and for categorising different types of peacebuilding interventions. Together, these interventions contribute to the emerging field of digital peacebuilding." (Abstract)
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"This paper assesses the role of social media and digital technologies (SMDTs) in the reporting of violent events, and evaluates their relative strengths and weaknesses as compared to other means available. It seeks to understand how SMDT data are collated, how reliable the data are, and what practi
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cal and ethical issues are associated with their collection and use. We start by situating the application of these technologies within the wider discussion of the use of information and communication technologies for development (ICT4D) and the sub-field of real-time data for development (RTD4D), before presenting the different types of SMDT data collection instruments and methods. We then assess the reliability of SMDTs for the reporting of violent events, identifying potential factors of biases in the data, such as geographical coverage, demographic and socioeconomic factors, or biases resulting from the nature and configuration of violent events. We also look at whether such data can accurately capture underlying dynamics of violent events. Finally, we look at the practical and ethical challenges associated with the collection of SMDT data on violent events." (Summary)
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"This study has found that Uchaguzi represents a blended model incorporating both crowd-seeding (placing monitors on the ground to collect data) and crowd-sourcing (collecting information from the public). The success of crowd-seeding is a function of Uchaguzi’s partnerships with local and interna
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tional agencies. Overall, the blended model is quite remarkable in that it theoretically provides a robust monitoring mechanism incorporating feedback from both experts and ordinary citizens. Future projects in Kenya and other locations across the world should consider such a model." (Conclusion)
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"Masudul Biswas and Carrie Sipes perform a comparative content analysis of Twitter and Facebook posts from a sample of Syrian and Libyan activist groups. By considering online content in the context of post-revolution Libya and the continuing upheaval in Syria, the authors shed new light on online a
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ctivist agenda-setting. They find that while social media is used as a tool to maintain and expand momentum during revolution, in a post-revolution climate the same media serves as a venue for idea-sharing and political discourse." (www.arabmediasociety.com)
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"The present paper [...] seeks to examine what could be the groundwork to build a framework for ‘Communication for Peace’ (C4P) on, to identify the major areas of relevant research that exist, lacunae in this body of work, fruitful intersections between different disciplines and eventually, to p
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rovide outlines for a future research agenda. Specifically, the potential of the post-liberal peace critique will be considered as a fruitful theoretical lens for such further endeavors." (Abstract)
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"Overall, this paper finds that peacebuilding practitioners have much to learn in terms of new media use from their humanitarian and development colleagues. New media is increasingly and often successfully used for needs assessments and beneficiary communication but only very few examples exist in w
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hich new media are applied for (improving) monitoring and evaluation in peacebuilding contexts. In a sense, therefore, peacebuilders are latecomers to an action trend that is far more advanced in other fields." (Page 2)
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"The Horn of Africa is one of the least connected regions in the world. Nevertheless, digital media play an important social and political role in Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia (including South-Central Somalia and the northern self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland). This paper shows how
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the development of the internet, mobile phones and other new communication technologies have been shaped by conflict and power struggles in these countries. It addresses some of the puzzles that characterize the media in the region: for example, how similar rates of penetration of media such as the internet and mobile phones have emerged in Somalia, a state which has not had a functioning government for two decades, and in Ethiopia, one of the countries with the most pervasive and centralized political apparatus in Africa. The paper also gives particular attention to the role played by diasporas, which have been highly infl uential in starting the first websites, blogs and forums covering the politics of the Horn and facilitating debates among Eritreans, Ethiopians and Somalis living at home or abroad." (Page 2)
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"During 2010 Kyrgyzstan experienced two periods of conflict that took the country to the brink of civil war: the overthrow of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev in April and the ethnic violence in the south of the country in June. The use of blogs and social network sites as well as mobile and multimedia p
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latforms during the upheaval has led some observers to link developments in Kyrgyzstan to other recent cases of social protest where new media has been prominent. However, these events offer no simple answer to the current social media debate. The complex and shifting role of new media as a factor in the events in Kyrgyzstan illustrates that the two conflicts were different in important ways and that new media was used differently in each. While new media made significant contributions to these events, it did not drive them and its importance has to be seen alongside the more conventional mobilization techniques and the role of traditional international media—which was often the source of social media reporting." (Abstract)
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"New media are powerful but have mixed effects on political organizations. To identify these consequences, we need to continue devising new frameworks of analysis. Knowing more about how new media relate to each other and to traditional media is critical. Being sensitive to the differences between,
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and relationships among, the various kinds of new media is also important. Blogs are different from text messages, and both are different from social networking sites. Categorizing these media in terms of their form and likely consequences would help advance research and policy. The consequences of new media for political polarization are especially important. Understanding when new media can have the one or the other consequence is key to future research and policy. Better research tools are urgently needed. Although some highly promising tools exist, they need to be developed so that they can parse languages other than English. New tools that can identify the tone of communication would help greatly but would also require major technological advances. The disparity between publicly available data on new media and those held by private companies (or, in some cases, publicly owned companies in other countries) is considerable. Public-private partnerships, or initiatives sponsored by well-respected nongovernmental bodies, are needed to create frameworks that would allow research on the consequences of new media." (Summary)
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"Los sitios en internet de organizaciones vinculadas a las dinámicas del conflicto y de la paz en Colombia expresan una pugna por la visibilidad social, la legitimación de discursos y prácticas, y la construcción de identidad. Son testimonio de la decisión polÃtica de confrontar y debatir medi
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ados por la comunicación y el lenguaje. Son intentos por hacer resistencia y, al mismo tiempo, socavar y competir con los discursos de los medios y la mediación social alcanzada por ellos. La guerra es representada como eje dinamizador de la vida social pasada, presente y futura, y como un factor que copa todos los lugares y tiempos. La paz es vista como un ideal, un sueño sin referentes propios ni definiciones, un correlato de la guerra. El discurso de la guerra crea vÃctimas y victimarios e identifica hechos injustos que comprometen la dignidad de sus agentes y sirven para justificar o motivar su participación o su aislamiento de la guerra. Los victimarios son los únicos responsables de las afrentas, y al lado de las vÃctimas, emergen los mártires, salvadores o mesÃas llamados a responderlas y a construir un nuevo orden social. El discurso dramático sobre la guerra muestra la historia sin finales, ni cierres, pero mantiene un signo trágico permanente en el tiempo. El potencial de esta investigación fue asistir analÃticamente a un proceso, el comunicativo e informativo, desde una perspectiva cultural, y desde allà poder decir que el conflicto colombiano mantiene un trasfondo polÃtico que se ha opacado públicamente, asà como algunos de sus análisis. La paz se ve como un discurso etéreo y desgastado. En este sentido, estar o no estar en guerra parece minúsculo al preguntarse cómo se llegó allÃ, y cómo encontrar salidas a sus múltiples causas. Lo que "Internet, guerra y paz en Colombia" hizo fue encontrar algunas pistas para entender cómo y por qué seguimos enfrascados allÃ." (Cubierta del libro)
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