"The evaluation found that the MFC has made notable contributions to media freedom and journalist safety over the past five years. It has played a role in encouraging some Member States to strengthen their media freedom policies and legislation. The MFC has also influenced state actors through diplo
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matic and advocacy efforts, maintaining high-level political attention on media freedom. Direct interventions, legal guidance, and engagement with embassy networks have contributed to journalist protection efforts at the local level. Furthermore, the MFC has strengthened multi-stakeholder coordination, bringing together governments, civil society, and legal experts.
However, the evaluation also identified several areas for improvement. While the MFC provides a platform for dialogue and cooperation, its engagement with members on domestic media freedom policies is voluntary and lacks a structured approach for supporting and tracking commitments. Joint advocacy statements have a greater impact locally than internationally and are often perceived as lacking boldness and clear outcomes. While the MFC has addressed high-profile cases, its focus has sometimes overshadowed broader, systemic media freedom challenges. Engagement with Rights-Holders and organisations working on the ground has been limited, impacting the relevance and sustainability of its strategies.
Coordination and collaboration within the MFC are foundational, particularly through diplomatic networks and the development of emergency visa schemes. However, decision-making is often reactive, affecting stakeholder trust. The MFC’s membership is perceived as predominantly Northern-led, and there is potential to leverage its diverse membership more effectively.
Knowledge management and information-sharing need strengthening to ensure a deeper understanding of media freedom issues among Member States. The high-level legal expertise of the HLP is underutilised. Clarity around decision-making processes among Member States varies, influencing trust-based collaboration. While engagement at the local level through embassies is effective, it requires more structured guidance and support. Coordination between Member States, the CN, and the HLP remains limited in some areas.
In terms of sustainability, the current governance model, particularly the annual rotation of Executive Group co-chairs, can present challenges for knowledge retention and continuity. Funding modalities are complex, leading to perceptions of uneven distribution and impacting trust and coordination. While the MFC has developed working relationships with similar coalitions, more formalised collaboration could maximise resource efficiency. The limited engagement with Rights-Holders influences the visibility and perceived effectiveness of the MFC’s work." (Key findings and conclusions, pages 2-3)
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"International assistance actors have played an important role in supporting media reforms in Ukraine. Their long-term, continuous efforts planted the seeds for groundbreaking media environment changes during Ukraine’s democratic transition. International donors’ sustained engagement in Ukraine
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laid the groundwork for the major transitions, primarily by facilitating the emergence and development of the vibrant and powerful local civil society. Notwithstanding the prolonged periods of “lost hope” and stagnation, which might have discouraged some other activists from policy development and advocacy, Ukrainian CSMOs have managed to pursue their strategic priorities even under challenging circumstances and quickly consolidated their efforts at a crucial moment in Ukraine’s modern history — right in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity, in the spring of 2014. Ukrainian CSOs were ready and courageous enough to step in when the state and its institutions were extremely weakened and to assume their roles in certain fields. Both the CSMOs and donors jumped at the opportunity presented by the revolution: several innovative media reforms, which had been drafted and redrafted over many years, were adopted in a matter of few weeks in the spring of 2014. That success would have been impossible without the preparatory work done during the preceding years." (Conclusion, page 20)
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"We find that there is a will for reform from the civilian part of the government, the international community, independent media professionals, and a handful of Sudanese CSOs. However, pushing for a free media is a low priority for most of the population, who have more urgent survival and security
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needs. Furthermore, the military/Islamist wing of the transitional government seems to want to control, not free, the media." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"For most of its modern history, the news media in Ethiopia have been a tool for government control. But 2018 brought a wave of optimism to Africa’s second most populous nation. Anti-government protests forced the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to undertake majo
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r reforms to its authoritarian rule in an effort to stave off mass violence and the potential collapse of the central government. The incumbent prime minister, Hai lemariam Desalegn, was forced to resign. In his place, the EPRDF nominated Abiy Ahmed, a young and charismatic reformer from the long-marginalized Oromiya region. Overnight, protestors lifted roadblocks and popular discontent transformed into euphoria and hope for a better future. This set the stage for one of the most remarkable attempts at media reform in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. The Abiy government freed journalists from prison; deregulated the sector, enabling the establishment of dozens of new media houses; and put into motion a media reform process that brought government and civil society together in a shared vision for change. However, these early successes have faltered. Quick deregulation without strong enabling institutions and laws created a surge of media outlets and journalism associations that fueled polarization and conflict along ethnic fault lines." (Page 1)
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"The stories presented here are some examples of how the Multi-Donor Programme for Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists (MDP) works to provide countries and their populations with the necessary tools to nurture a free and independent media. This includes promoting the adoption of policies
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and standards on freedom of expression and safety of journalists, and fostering diversity, gender equality and media and information literacy through and with the media." (https://en.unesco.org/themes/fostering-freedom-expression/mdp/stories)
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"The halting progress of the Tunisian media reform reflects the uncertainty and vulnerability of the political reform. As Professor of Communication and Democracy Katrin Voltmer contends, emerging media systems are unique types that are a blend of inherited structures, the constraints of the transit
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ions, and the reform movement’s choices. The new Tunisian media system retains features of the old regime while embedding the contradictions and struggles that paint the emerging political system. Eleven years after the Jasmine Revolution, the media reform is still governed by ambiguity, having turned into a field of political struggle between progressive and conservative forces and their allies. The president’s recent move to suspend the parliament and his highly controversial referendum on a new constitution granting him extraordinary powers, which passed following an unprecedented level of low turnout, have plunged the democratic consolidation process into turmoil. Sharp divisions have emerged between Saeid’s supporters and opponents, exacerbating uncertainty and ambiguity." (Conclusion)
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"Using the coup as a vantage point, interviewees for this report were asked to reflect on three main questions: What have we learned about past media reform efforts? With hindsight, what are the legacies, best practices, and lessons learned? With a view to the future, what does the media’s respons
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e to the coup teach us about reform and resilience? One of the important lessons their collective reflections and analysis show is that over the past decade the media assistance approach in Burma should have been more strategic, nuanced, grassroots driven, flexible, and inclusive, with a greater focus on opportunities to support local initiatives, coalitions, and actors. Other important lessons learned concern risks and security, including the importance of digital security literacy and mechanisms, as well as building widespread capacity in volatile contexts with greater risk of repression." (Conclusion)
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"President Saied’s moves to undermine constitutional governance and Tunisia’s parliament pose a major challenge for further media reforms. Yet, should the political environment prove enabling, foreign donors, media assistance organizations, and other stakeholders should prioritize working with l
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ocal stakeholders to find ways to navigate Tunisia’s chaotic media regulatory environment. One focus of this effort should be on stabilizing and strengthening broadcast regulation." (Recommendations, page 7)
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"The media reform process in Ethiopia’s political transition has made significant improvements to the policy, legal, and regulatory frameworks. If institutionalized and implemented with robust stakeholder engagement, the reform could help build a sustainable, vibrant, independent, and viable media
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business environment essential to democratic consolidation. The task, however daunting, has shown the resolve of state and nonstate actors to work collaboratively in spite of staunch differences to reach compromised solutions and build consensus on important media reform issues. That volunteer legal and media experts have spearheaded a participatory legislative and regulatory reform process will help instill a democratic culture, which would be instrumental in operationalizing a sector-wide self-regulatory mechanism and capacity-building efforts to professionalize the sector. Ethiopia’s political transition has been rather bumpy and full of crises that have threatened progress—a situation that should be expected to continue into the future." (Conclusion, page 21)
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"The collection of stories presented here aims to highlight the impact of the MDP's (Multi-Donor Programme on Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists) MDP’s actions over the course of this challenging year. Through testimonies from beneficiaries and partners who aspire to improve freedom o
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f expression and access to information locally, you will learn about the MDP’s multifaceted emergency response to the COVID-19 crisis. Through capacity building, the MDP supported journalists in several countries to learn how to protect their physical and mental health while reporting on the pandemic. This emergency response also involved ensuring local communities’ access to reliable information through support to community media, bolstering citizens’ resilience to the disinfodemic through Media and Information Literacy programmes, as well as journalism education through a global MOOC on debunking disinformation and reporting on the health crisis in a factual, scientific manner." (Editorial, page 2)
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"Southeast Europe’s strong tradition of regional cooperation for media reform can be leveraged to address the renewed threats independent media face. Countries in the region have shared cultural and trade ties, common media markets, and face similar threats to a free and independent press. They al
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so benefit from numerous existing regional coalitions and networks that have worked for decades to develop shared norms and standards and promote cross-border knowledge sharing and solidarity. Southeast Europe’s regional media coalitions, organizations, and networks are a significant force for promoting media freedom, independence, and pluralism. Regional coalitions are important drivers of national reform efforts. They need to be equipped to take advantage of new windows of opportunity and tap into the power and influence of the numerous multilateral organizations that serve the region. The support of international donors and multilateral institutions is critical to advancing media reform agendas in Southeast Europe. However, more needs to be done to broaden and deepen support, and to tap into the collective capacities and assets of local media organizations and regional media coalitions." (Key findings)
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"Implemented between January-March 2020, the Jordan Media Assessment (JMA) aims to provide an overview of the media landscape in Jordan, with a specific focus on how digital media impact Jordan’s democratic development. The findings will assist USAID/Jordan to determine the broader needs of the me
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dia sector and make recommendations on possible areas of interventions for potential USAID engagement that advance USAID’s new Country Development Cooperation Strategy (CDCS). The JMA includes three distinct reports: (1) Media Landscape Analysis, which provides a comprehensive review of the media sector, legal framework, political will and economic context that affect the work of media, a review of media assistance/development programs (2009-onwards), as well as an overview of the journalism educational ecosystem; (2) Digital Media Sector Assessment, which provides an in-depth overview of the extent of civic engagement through digital media a summary of challenges to media viability, as well as the capacity and institutional needs required to enhance and sustain traditional and alternative media in this digital landscape; and (3) Online Youth Survey, which was implemented to capture insights into how Jordanian youth (aged 18-29) access and engage with digital media, as well as better understand their consumption habits, levels of trust and media literacy, the impact of social media influencers and youth-related issues. The major findings of these three reports are consolidated in this Executive Summary followed by relevant recommendations with illustrative interventions responding to the challenges and opportunities facing the media sector in Jordan." (Page 1)
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"The Access to Information Program (A2I) was a five-year Central Asia regional program funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and implemented by Internews under Cooperative Agreement 176-14-00005 from October 1, 2014 to September 30, 2019. During the first phase of
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the project (2014-2017), Internews implemented activities in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The second phase focused on activities in Kazakhstan and Tajikistan only, while Kyrgyzstan’s media sector was supported with a new standalone project. The project aimed to strengthen the long-term sustainability of targeted media outlets, facilitate regional cooperation and conduct a number of activities designed to promote the modernization of newsrooms throughout the region, improving the financial viability of media, and increasing access to information that will keep government institutions accountable to citizens. A2I activities were implemented toward the following Project Goal: Increase citizen access to civically-relevant information in order to improve governance outcomes. From October 1, 2014 until September 30, 2017, the project was based around the following four objectives: Objective One: Increased regional cooperation to improve the competitiveness of non-state media outlets through content generation and sharing; Objective Two: Increased resilience of independent media to survive the impending treaty mandated shift to digital broadcasting across Central Asia; Objective Three: Professional standards for diverse and sustainable media voices; Objective Four: Improved legislative and policy environment. In 2017, USAID awarded Internews a two-year cost extension, under which the program goal remained the same, but the objectives were slightly adjusted to reflect the changing environment and needs of the media community in Central Asia." (Executive summary)
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"2019 has seen major achievements resulting from needs-based, and specifically-tailored support through the Multi-Donor Programme on Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists (MDP). Actions building on ongoing work and others opening new avenues, have initiated substantial changes in favour of
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freedom of expression and media development. The stories presented here are some examples of how the MDP works to provide countries and their populations with the necessary tools to nurture a free and independent media. This includes promoting the adoption of policies and standards on freedom of expression and safety of journalists, and fostering diversity, gender equality and media and information literacy through and with the media. Hence the name given to this series of articles: Let Free Media Thrive." (Editorial, page 2)
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"Media democracy promotion is a hidden form of international development aid (IDA). However, the dynamics underlying democracy promotion and their adaptation in local contexts is hardly considered when evaluating or theorizing international media development aid (IMDA). Multi-lateral organizations (
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MLOs) are important carriers of democratic ideals and different interpretations. In this paper, I unravel the dynamics between multi-lateral organizations and local actors during the media reform debates in three MERCOSUR countries; Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay." (Abstract)
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"Part of a €17 million EU-funded programme entitled “Media and Culture for Development in the Southern Mediterranean”, MedMedia was implemented in the Southern Mediterranean from January 2014 until May 2018. The MedMedia programme has given media policy makers, regulators, public service broad
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casters, journalists’ unions, media schools and human rights campaigners in the Southern Mediterranean a unique opportunity to act as catalysts for media sector reform in their region. MedMedia supported local stakeholders’ efforts to push forward media reform processes, sparked by the Arab Spring with a view to creating a regulatory environment supportive of media freedom and public trust in mainstream media outlets. It has offered access to expertise and know-how from both sides of the Mediterranean and has facilitated a mutual learning process between media institutions from the Southern Mediterranean. MedMedia’s activities were divided into three complementary components: capacity development for media professionals and institutions based on a bottom-up approach; networking activities involving decision makers and media practitioners; an overview of the media sector for decision-makers and practitioners across the region." (Page 4)
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"Développé dans le cadre d’un programme de 17 M d’euros financé par l’Union européenne intitulé « Médias et Culture pour le développement du sud de la Méditerranée », MedMedia a été mis en oeuvre de janvier 2014 à mai 2018. Ce programme a offert aux décideurs politiques, aux org
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anes de régulation des médias, aux radiotélédiffuseurs de service public, aux syndicats de journaliste, aux écoles de journalisme et aux militants des droits humains de cette région une occasion unique de jouer un rôle de catalyseur pour la réforme du secteur des médias. MedMedia a soutenu les efforts déployés par les parties prenantes de la région pour faire avancer les processus de réforme engagés dans le sillage du « Printemps arabe » afin de favoriser la création d’environnements réglementaires propices à la liberté des médias et de renforcer la confiance du public dans les médias traditionnels. MedMedia a permis un échange d’expertise et de savoir-faire entre les deux rives de la Méditerranée et facilité un processus d’apprentissage mutuel entre les institutions médiatiques du sud de la Méditerranée. Les activités du projet étaient réparties dans trois composantes spécifiques et complémentaires : le développement des capacités pour les professionnels des médias et des institutions du secteur basées sur une approche ascendante et participative; dDes activités de mise en réseau regroupant des décideurs et des professionnels des médias; un aperçu du secteur des médias mis à la disposition des décideurs et des professionnels de la région." (Page 4)
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"The cases from B&H and Kosovo show that three straightforward regulatory practices can make a significant impact in a relatively short time. What is needed is an independent and legitimate regulator, a set of laws and guidelines against incendiary media, and an accompanying set of laws in protectio
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n of free speech. Obviously, this three-pronged framework does not constitute an entire regulatory regime for media. It cannot guarantee peace, but it can enable individuals at all levels of society to make better decisions about whether or not to support or participate in a conflict. The scope of regulatory practice in conflict must be seen as a long term process. On one hand, media regulation exists to prevent the escalation of conflict. On the other hand, it exists to maintain a media environment conducive to promotion of a functioning democratic society. Media democratization is a long-lasting process of legal reform and a purview of legal experts, and it usually evolves with the rest of the democratic processes. It requires legal, technical and even engineering expertise. The end goal of the process is to develop a modern regulatory framework for the media which supports and protects general media freedoms. In the short term, the initial phase of the media democratization process must be concerned with the prevention of conflict escalation and protection of media and their rights and freedoms." (Conclusion)
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"Egypt’s revolutionary uprising in 2011 raised important questions about the kind of journalism that would be viable in the country’s changing political dynamics. Suddenly the output of bloggers, online radio and social media news operations, which had all formed part of the groundswell of actio
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n against dictatorship and repression, posed an explicit challenge to journalists in state-run and commercial media companies who were more directly subject to government controls. As different interest groups struggle over the country’s future, Naomi Sakr considers emerging visions of journalism in Egypt. In this book she charts recent transformations in Egyptian journalism, exploring diverse approaches to converged media and the place of participatory cross-media networks in expanding and developing the country's body of professional journalists. She analyses journalist’ initiatives for restructuring publicly owned media and securing a safe and open environment in which to work." (Publisher description)
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"The case of BiH demonstrates that media reform is a slow, time-consuming process, which is closely related to the consolidation of democratic institutions that foster free media. The four case studies presented here amply demonstrate a deep tension between externally-driven reform initiatives and t
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he democratization agenda on one hand, and the complex set of contextual challenges to the reforms on the other. Our findings support Mcloughlin and Scott who claim that media reforms "can only produce results at the same pace as democratic evolution in a given country, and should be integrated into broader democratic governance reform." (Conclusion, page 57)
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