"The evaluation found that the MFC has made notable contributions to media freedom and journalist safety over the past five years. It has played a role in encouraging some Member States to strengthen their media freedom policies and legislation. The MFC has also influenced state actors through diplo
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matic and advocacy efforts, maintaining high-level political attention on media freedom. Direct interventions, legal guidance, and engagement with embassy networks have contributed to journalist protection efforts at the local level. Furthermore, the MFC has strengthened multi-stakeholder coordination, bringing together governments, civil society, and legal experts.
However, the evaluation also identified several areas for improvement. While the MFC provides a platform for dialogue and cooperation, its engagement with members on domestic media freedom policies is voluntary and lacks a structured approach for supporting and tracking commitments. Joint advocacy statements have a greater impact locally than internationally and are often perceived as lacking boldness and clear outcomes. While the MFC has addressed high-profile cases, its focus has sometimes overshadowed broader, systemic media freedom challenges. Engagement with Rights-Holders and organisations working on the ground has been limited, impacting the relevance and sustainability of its strategies.
Coordination and collaboration within the MFC are foundational, particularly through diplomatic networks and the development of emergency visa schemes. However, decision-making is often reactive, affecting stakeholder trust. The MFC’s membership is perceived as predominantly Northern-led, and there is potential to leverage its diverse membership more effectively.
Knowledge management and information-sharing need strengthening to ensure a deeper understanding of media freedom issues among Member States. The high-level legal expertise of the HLP is underutilised. Clarity around decision-making processes among Member States varies, influencing trust-based collaboration. While engagement at the local level through embassies is effective, it requires more structured guidance and support. Coordination between Member States, the CN, and the HLP remains limited in some areas.
In terms of sustainability, the current governance model, particularly the annual rotation of Executive Group co-chairs, can present challenges for knowledge retention and continuity. Funding modalities are complex, leading to perceptions of uneven distribution and impacting trust and coordination. While the MFC has developed working relationships with similar coalitions, more formalised collaboration could maximise resource efficiency. The limited engagement with Rights-Holders influences the visibility and perceived effectiveness of the MFC’s work." (Key findings and conclusions, pages 2-3)
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"Based on qualitative and quantitative research conducted between May and August 2025, including interviews with journalists, media organisations, policymakers, and civil society activists, the report highlights how Sudan’s media environment has transformed into a “parallel battlefield” where
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information warfare runs alongside physical conflict. Key findings include:
- Collapse of traditional media: Print, radio, and television outlets have been decimated or repurposed as propaganda tools, with hundreds of journalists displaced or exiled.
- Rise of digital platforms: In the absence of reliable news, Sudanese citizens increasingly rely on social media, particularly Facebook, WhatsApp, and TikTok, for information, often encountering misinformation and hate speech.
- Weaponisation of media: Both the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have systematically targeted independent journalism, using harassment, detention, and surveillance to suppress dissent.
- Exclusion and fragmentation: Marginalised groups face significant barriers to accessing information, exacerbated by poor connectivity and digital divides.
- Emerging resilience: Despite the challenges, exiled media initiatives are working to counter hate speech and uphold professional standards, though sustainability remains a major concern.
The report calls for urgent international support across four key areas: protection of journalists, capacity building, institutional strengthening, and independent funding. Without immediate intervention, Sudan risks losing an entire generation of media professionals and the infrastructure essential for democratic recovery and peacebuilding." (https://internews.org)
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"Using the OECD Principles for Relevant and Effective Support to Media and the Information Environment as a lens, the GFMD mapping highlights several pressing issues.
1. The dominance of governmental funding, particularly from the United States, underscores the sector’s heavy reliance on a narrow
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range of external donors. When these donors pause or withdraw, countless media outlets face abrupt funding gaps and, in some cases, closure.
2. Though there is growing acknowledgement of the need to “localise” support, most aid continues to flow through European and American intermediaries, with limited direct funding to local organisations.
3. Financial sustainability is often overshadowed by more traditional capacity-building, project-based and topic-focused programs—even though robust business models and revenue diversification have emerged, in every mapping and survey, as the top criteria for long-term viability.
These findings reveal a sector where investigative journalism, research, and advocacy remain critically underfunded, and where donor policies can make or break entire media ecosystems. Worse still, the freeze on U.S. foreign assistance has amplified existing pressures. Independent outlets—especially in conflict affected contexts—are contending with mounting operational challenges just when citizens need reliable news and information the most." (Main cocnlusions and key trends, page 3)
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"This report provides an assessment of the media landscape in Jordan from the perspective of its audiences. Based on audience research, it examines the key issues emerging around media usage, trust, content, and literacy. It is based on data that was collected throughout June and July 2023; the medi
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a landscape may have changed since the war in Gaza began." (Abstract)
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"Ethical dilemmas with open source analysis are common. Analysts and journalists working with open source information have stories of feeling uneasy about publishing something. They weigh possibly risking harm to themselves, their employer, other individuals, or even international security. After pu
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blishing, they worry whether they did the right thing. These stories are shared quietly or hesitantly—compared to stories of journalistic or analytic feats—but ethical challenges are part of the day-to-day experience. Those analysts and journalists also acknowledge they could use more training, guidance, support, and focused discussion on their ethical practices. This paper aims to help elevate those stories and perspectives. It offers observations from a series of 28 structured interviews with analysts and journalists who use open source and geospatial analysis to inform their work on international security and nonproliferation policy. The goal of the paper is to make it easier for individuals, organizations, and community stakeholders to join discussions on enhancing their ethical practices with open source analysis. The paper isn’t a critique of existing practices. Nor does it prescribe an ethical framework. Instead, it is an attempt to learn with practitioners and help identify potential bottom-up solutions to the common ethical challenges they face." (Page 3)
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"All respondents in the interviews—including those who shared a negative experience of coordination—agreed that at a minimum, sharing information and exploring synergies should be fixtures of the media development landscape in any given country. The positive impact of such activities on value fo
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r money, aid effectiveness, and public perceptions of development programmes was recognised across the board and particularly in the context of the fundamental principles of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. Clearly, the scale of coordination work will depend largely on the volume of programming on the ground. However, even in those countries that see low levels of activity or have a single dominant programme, there was perceived value in introducing media development as a separate thematic strand in wider coordination efforts. The format and structure inherent in the selected coordination mechanism will also be shaped by the needs and priorities of local actors, but in general, a scheduled exchange of information combined with a platform for knowledge management was welcomed. The recommended level of involvement of donor organisations is a moot point since few if any coordination mechanisms have succeeded in regularly bringing donors and implementing agencies to the table. In 2016, as part of the MedMedia project, EC officials attempted to organise a roundtable for EU donors and development agencies committed to supporting media in the MENA region. Despite the best efforts of those concerned, the event was attended by representatives from just two member states—Austria and Latvia—neither of which was active in this field. Conversely, the donor coordination process that was set up in Ukraine in 2015 includes only limited representation from implementing agencies and exists in parallel to the coordination group assembled by GFMD in the wake of the Russian invasion. While GFMD invites donors to its meetings and shares information via email and online documents, the donors have yet to reciprocate. Thus, in real terms, there is no silver bullet or single best-practice model. However, based on its findings and conclusions, this report recommends that a strong level of interagency engagement should become the default position for all media development projects." (Recommendations, page 34-35)
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"This research analysis aims to assess perceptions of media coverage of social cohesion in Ninewah and understand how content is consumed and assessed by audiences in the province. What this report has demonstrated is that while there is a distrust of the media at a national level, local media are p
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laying a fundamental role in providing citizens with information and news about topics that are important and relevant to reconciliation and rebuilding communities in post-IS Ninewah. Social media and activist accounts are also playing a significant role in the media information ecosystem in Ninewah. However, the political environment in Iraq is having a huge impact on both media coverage and analysis of key topics as well as on audiences’ perceptions of media coverage of such topics. There is still a clear need for increased content and a focus on topics that will support peace-building and social cohesion as the province of Ninewah recovers from the events of its recent past. The report concludes that audiences across different groups are fairly coherent and in agreement that the media should be playing a larger role in covering important topics related to diversity and religious difference in particular. They felt that the media had painted a false picture of Ninewah as a sectarian society and should be providing more positive and inclusive programming in order to combat the challenges that they faced as a society. Levels of awareness of the positive role that the media could play were high although trust in the media in general was low. This view was tempered by reactions to inaccurate portrayals of life in Ninewah post-IS and audiences also wanted to see the realities of their life in media content. Violent content and images were rejected however which is a significant point to demonstrate the impact and trauma incurred as a result of the occupation by IS." (Conclusions, page 28)
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"This policy report provides an overview of the challenges and opportunities that the media are facing in Slovakia. Based on a number of interviews that took place with key Slovak media stakeholders, it finds that the Slovak media landscape is currently the freest of the Visegrad countries, despite
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an increase in both government and oligarch control of media. These findings are in line with its RSF Press Freedom Ranking of 33rd place in 2020, up two places on the previous year. The murder of investigative reporter, Ján Kuciak, in 2018 was a turning point which established sense of solidarity amongst the media profession which is coupled with an apparent desire amongst some of the public to investigative journalism, demonstrated through their financial support of a number of influential independent media titles. There are some concerns in relation to mainstream media ownership which appears to remain firmly in the grip of a select number of financial groups and oligarchs with strong business and economic interests although a recent sale of shares in leading publication the Denník SME to the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF), a non-for-profit investment fund for independent media raises some hope. The government also continues to control the public media through politicised appointment processes and public advertising spend. The popularity of websites, which are typified by health disinformation and anti-European Union narratives, is a further cause for concern as similar narratives are now being disseminated by some of the online media. The tradition for investigative journalism is strong in Slovakia, however, and it is having some impact on policy and tackling corruption." (Executive summary)
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"This paper examines the key narratives of disinformation that are prevalent in Iraqi media. It provides an analysis of the messages, agents, intentions and impact of the spread of disinformation. Focusing particularly on the period during which planned national elections were postponed, it identifi
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es narratives of disinformation which emerged during that time. I argue that, due to the overriding partisan and unprofessional conditions for the media and the challenging political context of Iraq, the lines between partisan information and disinformation have become blurred." (Abstract)
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"Corrupt practices, political financing and institutionalised patriarchal systems have seen the media fail to provide equitable coverage of women’s issues or indeed include women as decision-makers organisationally. Both the audience and media stakeholders are acutely aware of the lack of ethical
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practice by the media and both are attuned to how this has become gendered in prevailing conditions of economic failure, conflict and weak governance in Iraq. The overall mood was one of pessimism from all stakeholder groups about the current state of and prospects for the media in Iraq. The lack of opportunity in a non-meritocratic society such as Iraq both generates and sustains the prevalence of highly gendered policies and practices across the Iraqi media landscape. This is seen in both stakeholder groups: media stakeholders were likely to disparage their female colleagues; audiences were likely to reject female depictions that they felt were not representative of all Iraqis. Traditional and religious attitudes dominated much of the discussions and many of the challenges facing women and women journalists were attributed to these fixed mind-sets. Again, both stakeholder groups were in agreement that employment rituals and practices were shaped by patriarchal perceptions of a women’s role in traditional societies." (Conclusions)
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"Social media is the most dominant source of news, with television and radio both declining in popularity amongst young audiences. Social media is popular due to its accessibility and speed of reporting events. Countering the commonly high popularity of radio in Africa, radio was seen as outdated an
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d out of touch by the participants. Focus group participants suggested a generational gap with their parents’ generation more likely to consume radio. Audiences are engaging with international news content that is relevant to Sudan such as the US elections, conflict in Ethiopia, but are mainly interested in home news from government formation to the normal-isation of Sudanese relations with Israel. Coverage of events outside of Khartoum is seen to be weak and lacking, in particular for audiences based in marginalised areas such as Nyala who are more interested in local news from their area. They do not consider national television representative of their needs and are therefore more likely to follow local influencers on social media. Audiences are acutely aware of the lack of accuracy in the media and ubiquity of fake news and gossip. Credibility of social media accounts was assessed according to the number of followers that the account had, the longevity and history of the account as well as by levels of accuracy. Verification processes are used and consist mainly of cross-checking with official pages and sources, family, friends and colleagues. At the same time, exchange with families and friends was also seen to be contributing to the growing amount of disinformation in Sudan. Government communications with citizens is seen to be in disarray and this is contributing to the declining trust in institutions including the media. Trusted sources and information providers come however in the form of the individual Facebook pages and social media accounts of politicians and journalists." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"Fundamentally, this paper argues that the lack of political will combined with the failure of state-building processes to develop the frameworks and institutions to support independent media is maintaining a media landscape that reflects the key political challenges of Iraq. The politics of success
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ive Iraqi governments continues to affect the functioning and the perception of the media, leaving them unable to provide content that can support democratic and transparent political processes. Attempts at media reform or support for sustainable, relevant, independent media platforms must take into account the wider context of Iraq and its political structures as well as the existing conditions of corruption and fragility. They also require much deeper consultation with local media stakeholders combined with a greater coordination with global initiatives to support the development of independent media." (Conclusion)
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"This report captures of the findings of the “Youth on Screen” initiative, which was born out of a growing desire amongst youth civil society groups and broadcasters in the Southern Mediterranean Region to tackle the issue of youth representation on television head on. The report not only looks
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at the structural deficiencies which have meant that the voices of young people remain unheard within media broadcasters but also at representational issues, namely the paucity of television content which deals with youth-related matters." (www.med-media.eu)
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