"The central question of this chapter addresses how major religious traditions have used media to contribute to socioeconomic development and improve access to the basic necessities of life. The Judeo-Christian tradition has perhaps the most explicit emphasis on socioeconomic development in its use
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of media because of its priority of seeking the well-being of the poor and marginal people of the society and because of its traditional emphasis on media beginning with its written gospels and letters. Christian Churches, together, now have more than 500 educational radio and television stations in Latin America, Africa, and other areas such the Philippines. The fastest growing sector of Christianity, the evangelicals, in addition to their use of radio, video cassettes, and television, are expanding their use of social media, computers, and mobile phones, emphasizing small business, entrepreneurial promotion. Islam also emphasizes putting religious teaching in publications and other forms of media. With a long scientific and socioeconomic development tradition, Islam has a tradition of concern for the poor and less developed parts of its societies. The expectation that individual adherents of Islam will give away part of their economic success for the benefit of the poor and less fortunate provides added motivation. One of the most notable contributions to development from an Islamic background is the system of credit to the poor, the Grameen Bank, initiated by Mohammed Yunus in Bangladesh. Buddhism emphasizes heightened inner consciousness of well-being, reconciliation, compassion, and the overcoming of hate and selfishness. Buddhism communicates its message through the plastic arts, especially the ubiquitous images of Buddha. Where Buddhism is the dominant religious tradition (as in Thailand), the Buddhist temples and monks are centers promoting socioeconomic improvement at the local community level and national radio has programs for development purposes. Hinduism, located largely in India, is essentially a social worldview that assigns one’s socioeconomic status in life. Wealth and entrepreneurial initiative are part of the culture of the higher castes, and people of the higher castes are often leaders in development initiatives in India. Although religious communications and development involvement are still a matter of household deities, Indian holy gurus now sponsor television programs that attract an upwardly mobile technological class with tips on getting ahead in business, personal wealth, and upper class styles." (Conclusion, pages 498-499)
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"Divided into five parts, the Handbook opens with a state-of-the-art overview of the subject’s intellectual landscape, introducing the historical background, theoretical foundations, and major academic approaches to communication, media, and religion. Subsequent sections focus on institutional and
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functional perspectives, theological and cultural approaches, and new approaches in digital technologies. The essays provide insight into a wide range of topics, including religious use of media, religious identity, audience gratification, religious broadcasting, religious content in entertainment, films and religion, news reporting about religion, race and gender, the sex-religion matrix, religious crisis communication, public relations and advertising, televangelism, pastoral ministry, death and the media, online religion, future directions in religious communication, and more." (Publisher description)
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"This study explores the state of data-driven journalism practices in Sub-Saharan Africa. It aims at examining journalists’ perceptions of data-driven journalism in Zambia and Tanzania as it attempts to redefine and demystify the concept. We base our hypotheses on the notion that most journalists
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in Zambia and Tanzania perceive data journalism as a field that cannot be defined outside quantitative methods—approaches mostly emphasized by western scholarship. Our cross-national survey findings suggest that journalists from Zambia and Tanzania do not consider themselves as data journalists even when they practice it. This is because of the lack of advanced computer-assisted reporting equipment and the dwindling skills in advanced quantitative methods that are mostly accompanied by statistical software. Findings also suggest that female journalists showed more scepticism of data journalism practice, leading to fewer women with interest in pursuing data journalism in Zambia and Tanzania." (Abstract)
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"The first handbook on global media ethics; provides a valuable resource for teaching media ethics in a global era; addresses all major approaches to global media ethics; contains contributions by leading, internationally recognized authors in the field of media ethics." (Publisher description)
"The volume digs beneath the standardised and universalised veneer of professionalism to unpack routine practices and normative trends shaped by local factors, including the structural conditions of deprivation, entrenched political instability (and interference), pervasive neo-patrimonial governanc
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e systems, and the influences of technological developments. These varied and complex circumstances are shown to profoundly shape the foundations of journalism in Africa, resulting in routine practices that are both normatively distinct and equally in tune with (imported) Western journalistic cultures. The book thus broadly points to the dialectical nature of news production and the inconsistent and contradictory relationships that characterise news production cultures in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"The three essays in this issue of Communication Research Trends provide an update on the journalism of Asia and Africa. The journalistic practices they narrate describe a situation that has developed after the development journalism stage and, in some ways, challenges the existing journalism order.
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In each case, the relationship between the journalistic order and their respective governments has foundered upon the reef of the Internet, which has rewritten the rules of the game. Muhammad Izawan, Baharin Moniza Waheed, and Lea Hellmueller introduce a changed journalism in Malaysia, one that affects not only reporting but also the political alliances that have defined the country. The impact of digital media platforms appears clearly in the election results of the last several general elections. Robert White focuses on the continent of Africa, sketching how journalists in a number of countries across the region have challenged what White calls the “neo-patrimonial” state. His analysis frames this new approach to journalism in terms of specific themes: challenges to control, the rise of critical reporting, the support of protest movements, the support of human rights, and the freedom of information movements. Of all these countries, India has a more mature journalistic culture, though one that often supports the government. Aayush Soni describes how digital platforms have freed journalists to redefine political engagement, particularly for the rising middle class." (Editor's introduction, page 3)
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"This chapter explores the South African experience in attempting to achieve a more diverse and representative media that articulate the aspirations of the country, after decades of apartheid which skewed the media towards white people. South Afric
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a has not developed a diversity measurement tool, such as the one developed for the European Commission to assess risks to media plurality in member states.1 A key problem the country faces in tracking the extent of concentration and diversity is that it has no ‘objective’2 means of assessing the extent of diversity, which up to this point has simply been ‘read off’ the number of existing media outlets. While a plurality of outlets may arguably be a necessary condition for diversity, it is by no means a sufficient condition." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II) theology as the implicit background to Robert White's studies on development communication. We will then examine White's influence on the Center for Communication, Media and Society's g
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raduate program in development communication." (Page 241)
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"This thesis operates from the observation that "Decolonising the Mind", i.e. a cultural decolonisation process, was needed after the independence of African countries to support and flesh out political decolonisation. Culture, as shown, played a major role in the mobilisation of support for nationa
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list movements, but after independence nationalist culture was just one among many. In both cases presented here, the most pressing issue after political independence was how to deal with the different identities that had previously existed and were onyl partially cushioned by political and cultural nationalism. Now that the political kingdom had been attained, the different language, cultural and political groups started to ask questions about their place in this kingdom. Although many politicians shared the idea that "once you have a national identity, the question of culture becomes something which flows automatically", it soon turned out to be misguided. Media and education were seen to be the major tools in "decolonising the mind". However, a close analysis of the electronic media in the two cases presented here shows that the policies for promoting national unity in programmes were largely ineffective. Instead, radio programmes, both before and after independence, provided a space to negotiate issues of national identity. This space was sometimes more, sometimes less restricted, but listeners used it as much as they could.
Colonial media had, for all their focus on political control and censorship, accompanied and mediated social change. As described, this happened specifically in cultural programmes, where broadcasters were much freer in their work. However, Northern Rhodesian media were supposed to work as a catalyst to further the process of modernisation, and to help its listeners come to terms with the transition from being 'traditional' to becoming 'modern' Africans. In the Apartheid broadcasting system, culture was used consciously to construct a specific 'ethnic' identity, emphasising cultural traditions of the different language groups. But while the intentions were different, both broadcasting institutions were at the centre of negotiating ideas of tradition and modernity.
Both were also established because there was a need to legitimate the respective political system. Be it the Central African Federation or a 'democratic' "South West Africa/ Namibia", the political models promoted by the authorities could not just be imposed on the people. The radios were established to give reality to these constructs, to make listeners identify with a social, political and cultural space that had been defined by colonial authorities. As shown, colonial ideologies not only surfaced in obvious propaganda programmes but also significantly determined the technical and managerial setup of the stations. While radio infrastructure was formed and reformed to structure that space – by linking three territories with different political and social power structures or, following Apartheid ideology, by assigning each language group their own space according to the homeland system – culturally as well as geographically. As shown, infrastructure mirrored the proposed political models, not just in its technical aspects (i.e., the stations' footprints, transmitting posts and frequencies), but also in management structure. As the Federal Broadcasting Services were subdivided in European and African Services, respectively catering for the whole White or Black population of all three territories, the South West African Broadcasting Corporation separated first Black and White, then subdivided the three Departments in the several language Services, each broadcasting to the designated "homeland". This infrastructure not only formed the whole process of programme production and reception but was also part of it as it imparted ideological considerations. The first order of business for independent countries was therfore to restructure the radio according to the needs of the new nations." (Conclusion, page 274-275)
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"Communication rights and the ever more urgent need to construct a culture of peace are central to a vision of a world in which universal human values displace the accumulated weight of history’s tyrannies. Michael Traber, to whom this book is dedicated, believed that there is only one way of over
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coming the political, economic, social, and cultural inequalities and violence that have marred and obstructed justice for all – and that is genuine communication. Building a culture of peace means building a culture of communication in solidarity with those whose freedom has been taken away, or seriously diminished, rendering them less than human." (Publisher description)
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