"1. Social Media Users in MEA (Middle East and Africa) spend the most time on social networks, averaging over 3.5 hours per day. Internet users in the MEA have an average of 8.4 social media accounts, research reveals. UAE, with an average of 10.5 accounts, has “the highest number of social media
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accounts per person globally. 2. Top TikTok influencers grew their fanbase by an average of 65%, between February and August 2020, with the highest engagement rates in Bahrain, Oman and Saudi Arabia. Few influencers have successfully crossed over from other platforms. 3. Egypt is the 9th largest national market for Facebook in the world, with 44 million users, by October 2020. Turkey is the only other MENA country in the Top 20, with 37 million users. 4. Four MENA Countries, Saudi Arabia (17.9 million users), Turkey (9.7m), Iraq (9.6m) and Egypt (8.9m) are in the 13 largest national markets for Snapchat worldwide. Audiences are continuing to grow, highlighting the importance of the app. 5. 79% of Arab Youth say they get their news from social media. That’s up from 25% in 2015 [...]" (Executive summary)
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"The intersection between media and politics remains very strong in several countries under study. In these conditions, there is often little transparency on media ownership and a lack of transparency on local funding sources of media. Relatedly, in some cases, a change in government policies was ra
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ised as an important precondition to possibly change the negative discourse towards the (public) media. A different political climate may benefit the financial conditions of a media outlet, for instance by lifting difficulties in acquiring media licenses or access to (governmental) funding by independent media. The advertisement markets for media are, in many of the countries under study, still controlled by a few large, more traditional media outlets. Generally, the advertising market is driven by a number of factors, including a network, political patronage, and the ability of media owners to utilise relationships with the corporate sector. Due to the digitalisation of media and the advertising market, the market has further changed over the past years. There is limited to no regulation in the distribution of advertisement funding based on quality standards for journalism. Some media practitioners proposed to address this problem by stimulating national governments to support regulatory bodies for media advertisement. While digital advertisement is on the rise, most revenue of online (media) advertisement is directed to big tech companies. An increased amount of advertising money is flowing towards social media platforms, and Internet advertising has been rising exponentially, as observed in all countries under study. The media sector as a whole is suffering from this trend, particularly the more traditional print media who are struggling to make the transition to online media. In some countries under study, media are not even eligible to generate an income on the large social media platforms. Policies to regulate online advertisement is imperative to strengthen the competition position of traditional media." (Global trends, page 9)
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"This work highlights ten years of support for media development in the Arab world, telling the story through photos, eye-witness accounts, journalist profiles and personal experiences. Ten years spent alongside men and women playing an active role in civil society, committed to citizen-centred, div
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erse news content, driving democratic debate in their country." (Foreword)
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"While major airstrikes destroyed the office of some international media organizations such as that of Al Jazeera, local media organizations have been severely impacted. Unlike their international counterparts, local journalists do not have privileged access to protection provided by external entiti
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es. Furthermore, local journalists largely do not have the right to freedom of movement, thereby impeding their ability to flee from danger or persecution. The following figures identify the different local media organizations that responded to the Palestinian media needs assessment led by SKF. The 19 local media outlets include a variety of institutions ranging from non-profit organizations to limited joint-stock companies, and media development centers. Private companies remain the main target of this study." (Page 5)
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"Alternative media platforms in Lebanon vary in size and expenditures. Annual turnovers range between USD 15,000 to almost USD 1.1 million. Editorial costs make up the bulk of all alternative media platforms. Namely the salaries of core team members and journalists, as well as the fees paid to freel
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ancers, correspondents, and outside consultants/writers. Secondary costs include production equipment, rent, operation, equipment, legal fees, and technical feels. All interviewed independent platforms are non-profit. Almost all members of independent platforms are motivated primarily by their love of the job. Most independent platforms have relied on volunteering, either totally or partially, from their conception to their current stage. None of the platforms interviewed have a devoted person or team in charge of marketing and sales in the traditional sense of buying ads or working on partnerships. Partnerships are usually rare, approached informally, by word-of-mouth and networks, and decided up by editorial teams. All platforms have one person (full-timer or part-timer) in charge of marketing the platform’s own content on social media, but not advertising other brands on their own platforms, except The961. Almost all the platforms are unsatisfied with the current promotion model on social media. Most concerns are related to the clash between the platform’s values and the ethics and politics of social media platforms. Complaints also touched upon the fact that independent media have to invest time and money to create content, and then they have to pay social media to host it, rather than get paid by social media. Some platforms, such as Khateera, have adopted a pragmatic mindset from the start. “Our only objective is to get our message across to as wide an audience as possible,” they said. All media have agreed that good journalism costs money and generates very little, therefore other revenue streams are required to sustain it. All independent media interviewed have relied mostly on grants, except The961. Grants provide core funding and project-based funding. Both Daraj and Megaphone have also relied on volunteers but have shifted away from it. Sentiments towards grants vary. Most platforms in Lebanon have chosen donors that are not related to national, local or foreign authorities; donors that preserve their editorial integrity: i.e., no interference in editorial decisions and alignment with values and ethics. They all have a good relationship with their donors." (Findings, page 3)
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"1. Participants used a mix of social media platforms and TV/radio to acquire news. Word of mouth was also a noteworthy source of information. Many participants expressed a distaste for comment sections. It was generally agreed that information found on social media should not be taken as truth.
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The majority of attendees verified information they acquired, especially news from social media platforms. News that was not credible was deemed not worthy of sharing. The participants were scrupulous when it came to cross referencing news.
3. Global news sites were perceived as more trustworthy when it came to international news. The New York Times, for example, was mentioned multiple times.
4. Participants were open to a diverse range of topics including politics, culture, and women’s rights. They felt that education and local tourism as standalone subjects were overused. The integration of mental health resources into the education system sparked discussion and tackled a concept many deemed important." (Findings, page 6)
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"In this report, we highlight how privacy and data protection violations by state and non-state actors are compounded by the lack of legal data protection safeguards which would obligate public entities, private companies, and international organizations to respect and adhere to data protection prin
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ciples, empower users to take agency and control over their personal information, and create mechanisms for grievance and redress when such violations occur. We explore these issues and propose safeguards and policy recommendations for those involved in the collection and processing of personal data: governments, private companies, and international aid organizations. We include case studies for Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, and Tunisia. Our goal is not to include an exhaustive list of all cases related to data protection, but to present a few key illustrative cases for each country." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"This report is meant to share the experiences and lessons of local media practitioners globally, and to build a community for networking and support. It’s about telling their story in their own voice – and helping all involved learn from one another. By talking to both new digital start-ups and
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traditional media in transition, this report identifies how media builders in different circumstances understand and meet the challenges they face. Comparing and contrasting experiences from different parts of the world provides both lessons that can be copied as well as warnings about the need to understand how different regional and national conditions impact success. From there, the report draws practical recommendations for news media leaders, for media support organizations, and for the IPI global network." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The Syrian media of various types and geographical distribution use hate speech and incitement to Violence disproportionately. The average use of public hate speech in the Syrian media was (17.99%) as a percentage of the monitored content of the study sample, which is considered a low percentage wh
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en compared with the current circumstances in Syria, and in comparison with the results of the previous monitoring round. The highest percentage of using hate speech, according to the media type, was the visual media (TV), as it reached an average of (26.67%) of all the media content it provided. There are variances in the rate of hate speech and incitement to violence in Syrian media according to the geographical distribution. The media outlets operating in the government-controlled territories, recorded the highest rate reaching (22.87%) of all the media content they deliver." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"Als sich Ende der 1920er Jahre in den USA und Europa der Tonfilm durchsetzte, erkannten ägyptische Geschäftsleute dessen Potenzial für die arabische Welt. Sie erwarben innovative Tontechnik aus Deutschland und schickten ägyptische Stipendiaten zur Ausbildung nach Berlin und Paris. Nach ihrer R
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ckkehr schufen diese gemeinsam mit europäischen Filmschaffenden eine Traumfabrik nach dem Vorbild Hollywoods. In diesem Umfeld entstanden die ersten ägyptischen Tonfilme, die ab Mitte der 1930er Jahre weltweit zirkulierten. Manche dieser Spielfilme gelten in Ägypten als Klassiker, während sie in den europäischen Filmgeschichtsbüchern selten Erwähnung finden. Ausgehend von diesem Missverhältnis untersucht die Autorin die Entstehung, Verwertung und Rezeption dreier ägyptischer Tonfilme der 1930er bis 1950er Jahre aus transnationaler Perspektive. Ihre historisch fundierten Analysen zeigen, dass besonders die auf Zelluloid gebannten orientalischen Klänge für europäische Ohren befremdend wirkten, während sie in Ägypten maßgeblich zum Erfolg beitrugen. Um die von einander abweichende Wahrnehmung zu beleuchten, macht die Autorin den Begriff der «Atmosphäre» für ihre transnationale Rezeptionsstudie fruchtbar. Erstmals rücken damit Filme in den Blick, die dem Goldenen Zeitalter des ägyptischen Films der 1950er Jahre den Weg bereiteten, in Europa bislang aber kaum gewürdigt wurden. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse stehen die Filme Wedad (Wedad the Slave, 1936, Lashin (Verräter am Nil), 1938 und Raya w Sekina (Der Frauenwürger von Kairo),1953." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Selbstmordattentate werden seit jeher von Bildern begleitet und durch diese bestimmt. Von Märtyrerpostern über Videotestamente bis hin zu Computersimulationen und Livestreams vom Tatort - die Bildproduktionen der Milizen sind auf vielfältige Weise an der Tat beteiligt und müssen als Akteure im
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politischen Feld ernstgenommen werden. Verena Straub zeigt erstmals die Geschichte sogenannter Märtyrerzeugnisse auf, die seit den 1970er Jahren in diversen politischen Kontexten operieren. In zahlreichen Falluntersuchungen analysiert sie deren ästhetische und mediale Bandbreite, ihre Handlungsdimensionen und Genderpolitiken, ihre künstlerischen Aneignungen und ethischen Herausforderungen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This paper investigates the dynamic relationship between hybrid media and hybrid politics in Lebanon and Tunisia. While previous research on the media in hybrid regimes has mainly focused on regime strategies of restricting and manipulating public debate, our analysis moves beyond repression. We ar
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gue that the ambiguities of hybrid politics, which combines democratic and authoritarian elements, not only constrain independent and critical reporting but also open up opportunities for journalistic agencies. We draw on Schedler’s concept of informational uncertainty to capture the epistemological instability of hybrid regimes and the strategies of political actors to control public knowledge. Distinguishing between three dimensions of media hybridity - economic, cultural and technological - we show how the new hybrid media environment significantly increases the volatility of hybrid politics and informational uncertainty for political actors. Our empirical analysis is based on seventy-one semistructured interviews with journalists in Lebanon and Tunisia conducted between 2016 and 2019. The material reveals a broad range of strategies used by journalists who employ the internal contradictions of hybrid politics to pursue their own agenda. The comparison between Lebanon and Tunisia also highlights contextual conditions that enable, or limit, journalistic agency, such as clientelistic dependencies, economic resources, and civil society alliances." (Abstract)
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"This book provides an original contribution to current social and cultural theory on Arab social movements by giving a fuller historical and critical treatment of contemporary artistic and cultural production from the region and beyond. Thematically structured and covering culture, media, politics,
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and literary studies, the book uses a range of theoretical material that engages readers in three key ways. First, it adopts a critical standpoint with respect to the term "Arab Spring," recognizing the multiple interpretations and varied geographical, historical, and political realities of the term. Second, its focus on carefully selected case studies - namely, Egypt, Tunis, Syria, and Yemen - adds depth to analysis of the cultural, literary and artistic dimensions that operate fluidly across the Arab world. Third, it presents a methodological case study for the growing community of researchers involved in interdisciplinary education." (Publisher description)
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"[...] in this article, we present the results of a collective self-assessment exercise for a panel of eight case studies (covering four continents) [Amazon rainforest, Brazil; Colombia; India; Bangaldesh; Egypt; Lake Manyara Basin, Tanzania; Baltic Sea, Germany; Isles of Scilly, UK] ] of communicat
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ions between project teams and local communities within the context of climate change or biodiversity loss. Our analysis develops eight indicators of good stakeholder communication, which we construct from the literature, in addition to Verran (2002) 's concept of postcolonial moments as a communicative utopia. Our study contributes to the (analytical) understanding of such communications, while also providing tangible insights for field work and policy recommendations. We demonstrate that applying our indicators can foster a more successful communication, although we find an apparent divergence between timing, complexity, and (introspective) effort of the project teams. While three case studies qualify for postcolonial moments, our findings show that especially the scrutiny of power relations and genuine knowledge co-production are still rare. We verify the potency of various instruments for deconstructing science; however, we also show that their sophistication cannot substitute other crucial factors. Instead, simple deconstruction efforts may suffice, while trust-building, proper time management, and an advanced awareness of the scientists are crucial. Lastly, we consider that reforming rigid and inadequate funding policies will help overcome significant barriers and improve the work in and with local communities." (Abstract)
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