"Junge Frauen machen in Irakisch-Kurdistan ein Radioprogramm für Flüchtlinge. Tabuthemen kennen sie keine - Tratsch und Klatsch kommen auch nicht zu kurz." (Seite 56)
"This is the first book that looks into the state and role of investigate journalism in the Arab world. It explores the vital role the media could potentially play in informing and empowering society, to assist in opening up the communicative space in a region where this has previously been taboo."
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(Publisher description)
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"Der Zerfall von Staaten ist eine wesentliche Bedrohung für die Bürger der betroffenen Länder und für die internationale Sicherheit. Wenn ein Staat seine essenziellen Aufgaben nicht mehr erfüllen kann, versuchen andere Akteure diese Lücken zu schließen. Aber wie kommt es dazu, dass Nationalst
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aaten zunehmend fragil werden oder in letzter Konsequenz buchstäblich zerfallen? Kai Hirschmann zeigt die Dynamik solcher Prozesse und identifiziert zentrale Ursachen: konstruierte Staatsgebilde infolge kolonialer Grenzziehungen, schwache oder delegitimierte Institutionen sowie Eingriffe von außen. Wie die Dekonstruktion von Staaten in der Praxis verläuft, beschreibt er anhand etlicher Beispiele: etwa in den Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion, in den im Umbruch befindlichen Ländern der arabischen Welt, in ressourcenreichen aber künstlichen Staaten in Afrika, in stark von Organisierter Kriminalität geprägten Staaten in Lateinamerika sowie in Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union, die mit separatistischen Bestrebungen konfrontiert sind. Einen besonderen Fokus legt Hirschmann dabei auch auf den Zusammenhang zwischen Staatszerfall und Dschihadismus, wie er sich in Irak, Syrien, Jemen, Libyen, Nigeria und Somalia besonders eklatant zeigt. So unterschiedlich die Beispiele scheinen mögen, so sehr hilft seine präzise Analyse dabei, das Phänomen fragiler Staaten theoretisch fassbar zu machen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In Syria, television is the dominant media type with high usage and availability rates in all areas studied. Television is followed by online media, print media, and finally radio. Media aligned with the Syrian government are leading in government-controlled areas, and opposition-aligned media are
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leading in opposition areas. There are indications that media not clearly aligned with a particular camp have a following across the board. Pro-government and opposition audiences are deeply divided in their media following and in their perceptions about their communities. Being open to both media camps does not always translate into a stronger critical view of the media. Syrian audiences are confident that they are well-informed about the general geopolitical situation, but sometimes express less confidence that they are receiving adequate information regarding immediate local affairs." (Main findings, page 2)
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"Religious channels in the MENA region are approximately 10 percent of all free-to-air (FTA) channels from 2012 to 2014. This is a relatively high share compared to many markets outside the region, such as the U.K., where religious channels only represent one percent of FTA channels. Religious chann
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els increased by 50 percent from 2012 to 2014 [...] The market structure and trends in religious content follow the region’s faith demographics. This is why Sunni Muslim channels are more numerous. At an overall market level, 88 percent of religious FTA television channels are focused on Islam content and the remaining 12 percent on Christian content. Of Muslim channels, 83 percent are Sunni and 17 percent are Shia. The region currently has no FTA TV channels dedicated to other faiths. Growth in religious channels remains driven by the Sunni Muslim sub-segment, which contributed almost half of new religious channels (12 out of 25 from 2011 to 2014). At the same time, the region is also seeing significant growth in Shia and Christian channels. Over the same period, the number of Shia channels more than doubled from five to eleven, and the number of Christian channels expanded more than four-fold from two to nine." (www.mideastmedia.org/industry/2016/religious)
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"Television executives and producers are busy for 11 months of the year, preparing for the do-or-die one-month television season: Ramadan. This ninth month in the Islamic lunar calendar is at once a period of religious devotion and a time for the television industry’s best productions. It is a tim
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e when viewership soars, advertising rates peak, and television programs become topics of daily conversation. During Ramadan, programmers mostly provide Musalsalat (serials) that emphasize habitual viewing with the use of character development over multiple episodes, cliffhangers, strong emotions, and highly charged plots. Over the last few years, Ramadan programs have become popular with all segments of the society: young and old, rich and poor, females and males." (www.mideastmedia.org)
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"This report contains the collected, examined, and produced information on the fundamental characteristics of the media and communication industries, whenever possible, in the MENA region as a whole. It typically includes 14 countries from Mauritania on the Atlantic Ocean to Oman on the Arab Gulf. F
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ive MENA countries have been selected for more detailed information: Egypt, Lebanon, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. In probing the media landscape, we examine large and small countries from North Africa and the Gulf; some that are quite stable, some more turbulent; media-rich and media-poor with different regimes and degrees of media regulation. So, this report finally complements our surveys of the media audience with a close and systematic look at the media content offering, its production, and distribution. This report consists of sections for each individual medium as traditionally defined: television, film, radio, magazines, newspapers, and recorded music. With the ongoing (but not total) migration of traditional media to digital platforms, digital has a section of its own." (www.mideastmedia.org/industry/2016/about/#s68)
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"Following the Arab Spring, the use of social media has become instrumental in organising activist movements and spreading political dissent in the Middle East. New online behaviours have transformed traditional communication channels, enabling young people of all backgrounds to feel politically emp
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owered. But now that spring has turned to winter, what are the long-term implications of internet activism in the region? Social Media in the Arab World provides a unique insight into the role of online communications as a force for change in the Gulf States. Featuring examples as diverse as neo-patrimonial politics in Saudi Arabia and the ways an online presence affects the status of women in Kuwait, the chapters examine shifts in the political, social and religious identities of citizens as a result of increased digital activism. With contributions from a variety of inter-disciplinary experts, this wide-ranging study examines the consequences of changing power dynamics brought about by popular social media." (Publisher description)
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"The markets we do include are a very diverse bunch, from the very closed and politically tightly controlled such as Laos; through a large number of nations on the African continent which have seen a sudden improvement in digital infrastructure thanks to the landing of several new submarine intercon
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tinental fibre optic cables over the past few years; and not forgetting markets like Trinidad & Tobago, which seems to enjoy a large choice of TV channels to serve a relatively modest population; or indeed Iran, fresh from its welcome back into the international fold following the suspension of UN sanctions in January 2016. For each market, we give some economic data sourced from the IMF, as well as our estimates and forecasts for advertising expenditure and growth in its ad market to 2018. We also provide a short commentary setting out an overview of the media market in question." (Page 1)
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"The aim of the present book is to provide both empirical and theoretical input to the discussions of the role of journalism and media in conflict and post-conflict situations and in the often rather muddy waters between them. Together, the contributions to this book from different parts of the worl
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d emphasise that discussions about post-conflict situations will gain from including the media. At the same time, the contributions problematise the concept of post-conflict and powerfully illustrate that the phase between war/conflict and peace is neither unidirectional nor linear, as the use of the concept sometimes seems to imply. Reaching a peace agreement or arranging for the termination of hostilities is, in itself, no guarantee that peace can be secured. The examples from Afghanistan, Colombia and South Sudan in this book show this up clearly. Remaining post-conflict societal friction may even be as threatening to long-lasting peace as the war itself. Hence, post-conflict may be seen as a “conflict situation in which open warfare has come to an end. However, such situations remain tense for years or decades and can easily relapse into large-scale violence” (Junne and Verkoren 2005)." (Introduction, pages 16-17)
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"The war journalist is often portrayed as a ruggedly masculine individual who survives on hard work, self-sufficiency, and heroic dedication to the truth in a stoic culture and dangerous environment. Yet, the growing number of female war journalists subtly complicates this traditional narrative. Fem
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ale war reporters navigate the precariousness of the conflict zone through the strategy of shape shifting—of switching gender performances depending on the environment and the audience. This article examines the shape-shifting phenomenon in the field, relying on 72 qualitative interviews conducted with English- and Arabic-speaking female journalists who have covered various wars and conflicts in the Arab region and beyond. On one level, interviewees say that they can work in precisely the same way as their male counterparts, downplaying their femininity and accentuating their own masculine qualities. On another rather paradoxical level, women war correspondents also sometimes foreground their feminine accessibility and intuition, especially when engaging female sources and entering private spaces inaccessible to male journalists. Finally, female conflict reporters sometimes perform an exaggerated version of feminine weakness or tacitly accept sexist treatment, especially when shape shifting can save them from danger or help them circumvent obstructions." (Abstract)
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"Given that the nature of civil society in different countries is different, and also often shifting in response to political changes, examining the relationship between civil society and media production (mainstream and alternative) in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa involves being sensitive
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to both specificity and commonality. The types of civil society organisation across these country contexts are diverse, challenging the construction of a simple definition, with different types of activism emerging across time. Even as countries make shifts towards democracy, gains can be easily lost and recouped, as Egypt has shown in recent years. Unpacking the relationship between media and political activism is also complex, given that there are a range of activisms including social and political activism which also sometimes overlap. The terrain is currently extremely dynamic: while the mainstream media may follow old routines of news gathering, and may be subjected to both state and self-censorship, the new media terrains open to possibility for dialogue and exchange, but also for the spread of dissent. New forms of activism also challenge the mainstream media routines, such that, for example, the media workers also monitor social media for story leads." (Conclusion)
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"While acknowledging the significant contributions of the public service broadcasting heritage in the Global North in efforts to establish such provision in the Global South, the contributors explain why simple imitation is unlikely to ever work well enough across such a diverse range of countries a
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nd regions with crucial differences in their histories, languages, cultures and experiences." (Publisher description)
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"This publication provides a selection of literacy programmes that use radio, TV, mobile phones, tablets and computers to support the development of literacy, numeracy and language skills. Due to continuous demand, the second edition of the publication has been updated with new case studies. All pro
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grammes included in this publication are also available on UNESCO’s Effective Literacy and Numeracy Practices database (LitBase). This database allows users to identify trends, challenges and lessons learnt in applying ICTs to literacy teaching and learning worldwide. The programmes share valuable examples of how ICTs can be used creatively and innovatively to complement face-to-face adult literacy teaching. They highlight the prerequisites that must be met to reach the full potential of ICTs." (Foreword)
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"Instead of seeking to provide an objective definition of hate speech, the paper’s empirical approach highlights that context matters. More specifically, analysis of the political and socio-economic context in which the speech act occurs and consideration of the nature of the speaker and audience
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– including their impact and transmission – allows for a nuanced and informed approach to evaluate hate speech, and how this impacts democratisation processes. The paper presents: a general discussion of freedom of speech and its relationship with hate speech; a brief discussion on the definitions of hate speech and international legislation; a short discussion of hate speech in the four country contexts of the MeCoDEM project: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa." (Executive summary)
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"Internet freedom has declined for the sixth consecutive year, with more governments than ever before targeting social media and communication apps as a means of halting the rapid dissemination of information, particularly during antigovernment protests. Public-facing social media platforms like Fac
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ebook and Twitter have been subject to growing censorship for several years, but in a new trend, governments increasingly target messaging and voice communication apps such as WhatsApp and Telegram. These services are able to spread information and connect users quickly and securely, making it more difficult for authorities to control the information landscape or conduct surveillance. The increased controls show the importance of social media and online communication for advancing political freedom and social justice. It is no coincidence that the tools at the center of the current crackdown have been widely used to hold governments accountable and facilitate uncensored conversations." (Page 1)
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"This case study investigates SAT-7 – a Christian independent satellite-TV network – in its context – the Middle East and North Africa – with a majority of Islamic inhabitants and traditions. It examines and describes what the actual implemented strategy is in order to do the daily work of S
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AT-7. Three sub-questions, aimed to explain the strategy in further detail, look at how SAT-7 operates, how they design their programming, and how they tell the stories of themselves. These describe strategic measures. The empirical data are two sources of evidence; I) interviews with a “pool of leaders” in SAT-7, and II) formal documentation presenting the written institutional narrative of SAT-7. This study focuses on theories of media and religion, religious programming and institutional narratives. The analysis sets out to describe, interpret and explain the findings of strategic measures done by SAT-7. The key strategic measure is being present in the region. SAT-7 is for the Middle East, by the Middle East. This presence includes crossing religious borders, including Christians – even a cooperation of several Christian denominations. An enhancement of cultural authenticity and coexistence becomes the result after taking cautious steps, never attacking, denigrating, or perhaps more important, proselytizing, others. SAT-7 presents the “love of God” – bringing hope and reconciliation to the region." (Abstract)
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"This report is the fifth in a series of annual reports designed to capture key developments and data related to usage of social media in the Middle East. The past year has seen the continued growth of visual-led social networks, especially in the more affluent Gulf region. Meanwhile, the discernibl
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e growth in mobile social users(+66% notes the creative agency We Are Social) emphasizes the increasing primacy of the mobile social experience. For many users, mobile is the only way that they interact with social networks. Mobile platforms, for millions in the region, will also offer their first online experience. Recognizing this, companies like Facebook have launched Facebook Lite, an Android app targeting users on slow networks (and with small dataplans). Their Free Basics program allows customers on the Zain network in Jordan and Asia Cell, Korek and Zain in Iraq avoid data charges when using Facebook on their mobile devices. Will other providers follow suit? Yet, for all the positives, the social experience in some parts of the region remains beset with challenges. Networks and services can be blocked – both temporarily and permanently – and issues around freedom of expression persist." (Introduction)
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"It is too often assumed anyone can communicate via the internet or share in the benefits of easily available newspapers and free-to-air television or radio; this is not always true. Lower internet penetration and mobile broadband access in countries like Egypt and Tunisia, for example, stand in sha
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rp contrast to that of the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar. The 2016 report brings some good news about a narrowing digital divide between these countries, along with significant gains in internet connectivity in every country studied except Tunisia, where internet access has stagnated since 2014. Six in 10 Egyptians now use the internet, considerably more than the share of Tunisians online, but just three in 10 Egyptians have access to, or choose to use, mobile broadband. It is ironic that the two countries most closely linked to the Arab uprisings—Tunisia, where the uprisings began and Egypt, the location of the most publicized revolution—are still struggling to be fully enfranchised into the digital age." (Introduction, page 8)
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