"Premiering in 2006, Ugly Betty, the award-winning US hit show about unglamorous but kind-hearted Betty Suarez (America Ferrera), is the latest incarnation of a worldwide phenomenon that started life as a Colombian telenovela, Yo soy Betty, la fea, back in 1999. The tale of the ugly duckling has sin
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ce taken an extraordinary global journey and become the most successful telenovela to date. This groundbreaking book asks what the Yo soy Betty, la fea / Ugly Betty phenomenon can tell us about the international circulation of locally produced TV fictions as the Latin American telenovela is sold to, and/or re-made-officially and unofficially-for different national contexts. The contributors explore what Betty has to say about the tensions between the commercial demands of multimedia conglomerates and the regulatory forces of national broadcasters as well as the international ambitions of national TV industries and their struggle in competitive markets. They also investigate what this international trade tells us about cultural storytelling and audience experience, as well as ideologies of feminine beauty and myths of female desire and aspiration. TV's Betty Goes Global features original interviews with buyers and schedulers, writers, story editors and directors, including the creator of Yo soy Betty, la fea, Fernando Gaitan." (Publisher description)
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"A state-of-the-art analysis of the situation of national television in Arab countries, addressing what Arab national broadcastings today say about public policy and political opening. The essays deal with the reforms of public broadcasting organizations and the evolution, perspectives and issues of
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national broadcasting." (Publisher description)
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"In assessing attitudes toward the media, one notable finding was a vote of confidence for improved quality of news media reporting between 2011 and 2013 with a majority of adults agreeing that it has improved in six of the eight countries surveyed. This optimism is also reflected in overall percept
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ions of media credibility in such countries as Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Qatar and the UAE, while less so in more volatile states including Egypt, Lebanon and Tunisia. Internet use is strongest in the Gulf countries—UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia and lowest in the most populous Arab country, Egypt, which appears in question after question to be a media-poor country in spite of its large population. Only in Qatar is the internet regarded as a more important source of news than is television. In all countries respondents are multi-media users, of course. In the midst of great enthusiasm for the internet, the importance of satellite television, notably Al Jazeera, is the most popular source for news and public affairs across the region. While its popularity varies by country depending on local sources of news and other factors, Al Jazeera was mentioned by respondents in every country surveyed as a top source of news. At the same time, social networking is nearly universal among those online and no other social media site comes close to Facebook in popularity. Twitter and Google+ also get high marks in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and UAE. Although critics once complained “that the internet only speaks English,” Arabic language use exceeded that of English across the region on most media platforms." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Since the “Green Movement” protests in 2009, the Iranian regime has adopted increasingly complex surveillance and monitoring techniques, complementing technical filtration tools with legal frameworks and information manipulation. These techniques of control overlap: technical filtering is reinf
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orced by a more constricted legal environment and efforts to “nationalize” Iranian cyberspace. »» ONI testing over the past several years has revealed consistent filtering of websites pertaining to social media, international news channels, non-Shi’ite religions, social and religious taboos, and anything remotely opposed to official government policies. The creation of a “Supreme Council on Cyberspace” indicates the Iranian government’s interest in centralizing their approach towards the Internet as well as their view of cyberspace as a larger security concern. Internet censorship in Iran—culminating in the National Information Network—is framed as a way to protect the nation’s unique culture and identity and defend against the onslaught of Westernization. The Iranian regime considers cyberspace a geopolitical as much as a domestic policy realm. Surveillance and censorship are simultaneously tools of suppression and a means of national defence." (Key findings, page 3)
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"The Internet is one of the few remaining platforms where Iranians can practice some level of open debate, less susceptible to social and political limitations. Research on Internet use in Iran sheds light on a large online community engaged in a diversity of activities and expanding at a significan
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t pace. This study seeks to complement standard online research techniques by providing a richer picture of Iranian Internet users. The novel research method utilized in this study features 'archetypes' whose characteristics are described in vignettes, and who are defined based on their relationship with the Internet. Taking this approach, our study considers the Internet as an ecosystem, and works toward providing a more realistic narration of the diversity of Iranian Internet users and online environments." (Iran Media Program website)
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"This report represents an effort to help with the process of evaluating media laws in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. As governments consider what policies to set up to deal with new realities, this research should help provide an understanding of the current landscape. When examining
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this landscape, we examined several elements that can affect journalism and free expression in any nation: penal codes, media laws, regulatory bodies and the overall effect of these specifics. At times, we also address how similar problems are handled in countries with greater protections for the press. Every nation, of course, has struggled with these issues—how to empower journalists to fulfill their duty while also protecting individuals and the society from potential harm. No reform of journalism can occur solely from within the ranks of the profession. Local media law, court rulings and other government oversight greatly affect the type of journalism practiced. To create an environment in which journalists can fulfill their societal duty will require a revision of the laws that govern them." (Introduction, page 9)
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"In diesem Band wird sowohl das Gefangenenbüchereiwesen in Deutschland als auch international vorgestellt. Neben der Geschichte der Gefangenenbüchereien werden die Gesetzesgrundlagen und unterschiedliche Bibliotheksangebote für Menschen in Haft erstmalig in einem Band zusammengefasst." (Verlagsbe
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schreibung)
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"This article discusses the role of ‘cyberactivism’ or the role played by new media in paving the way for political transformation, in both the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions of 2011. It starts with a discussion of the potentials of cyberactivism in both of these revolutions, especially how t
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hese new types of social media can act as effective tools for supporting the capabilities of the democratic activists by allowing forums for free speech and political networking opportunities; providing a virtual space for assembly; supporting the capability of the protestors to plan, organize and execute peaceful protests, while documenting the protests and governmental reactions to them; and providing forums for collaboration between the Tunisian and the Egyptian activists. It also sheds light on some of the limitations of the role of social media in both of these revolutions and highlights some of the overlaps and divergences between the role of cyberactivism in both of them, through comparing the similarities and differences in contexts, actors and tools." (Abstract)
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"This study demonstrates that critical discourse analysis can be used to quickly discern the identity of a political actor and make accurate predictions about that actor’s intentions and goals, even in the context of a revolution. This study’s authors used critical discourse analysis to empirica
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lly assess the identity of the Libyan Youth Movement using 45 images posted on the group’s Facebook page during the opening weeks of the Libyan revolution of 2011. The authors uncovered multiple discourses which permitted the positing of a group identity as well as predictions of the group’s goal and intentions. The findings are significant in that they provide new evidence to support the practical utility of discourse analytic approaches in contemporary communications and political science research." (Abstract)
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"The Update reveals that the challenges faced by advocates, and the campaigning tactics used in each region, are at times remarkably similar. National civil society coalitions, for example, are mentioned by many authors as having made a central contribution to campaigns. In other cases, challenges d
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iffer greatly depending on cultural context. For example, in South Asia, a problem has been identified of a lack of NGO transparency, which has created an environment where some civil society groups are leading by example; this issue is further complicated by the fact that, in some countries in the region, civil society is formally covered within the scope of the national Right to Information law. In many regions there are relatively strong relations among advocates from different countries; the Update seeks to foster better understanding and to stimulate international dialogue among the different regions of the world about this core human rights issue and its development going forward. We note that while there are plenty of national publications about RTI developments, this is far less true at the regional level. The Update also aims to draw attention to the global nature of the movement for the right to information. We hope that this will assist advocates both within and outside of FOIAnet find out about each other, and thereby further build and strengthen the movement." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Libyan media’s deficiencies are vast and cover all facets of production. For one, the media industry’s decades-long isolation from the Arab and international markets poses a particular challenge to its reconstruction by comparison to the transitional media industries in Egypt and Tunisia. Media
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reform in Libya therefore requires tailor-made solutions that can address the specific needs of the national mainstream industry. While most training available to media staff with little professional experience focusses on basic media practices, it is crucial that these courses provide programmes that are targeting media practitioners of different media platforms (print, magazine, television and radio) as well as different levels of media professionalism (junior reporters as well as senior managers). This process should be based on a deeper understanding of the needs and challenges facing the media industry. It is a must that these programmes target institutions and contribute to their development towards professionalism. In doing so, international and regional agents working in media development should base their operations on a deep understanding of the media industry, its needs and its challenges—a matter that necessitates direct connections with this industry. It is clear that most of the training programmes had targeted citizen journalists recruiting trainees through local centres. They must now focus on media institutions and therefore target their staff with specific training programmes." (Conclusion, page 68)
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"This briefing argues that the Iraqi media landscape of 2013 may not be the free, plural and professional fourth estate that many in the West had envisaged in 2003 but that it has real strengths – as well as weaknesses – which reflect the reality and complexity of modern Iraq. The seismic shift
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in attitudes that the Iraqi media was asked to embrace in the reconstruction of the sector after Saddam Hussein’s fall was always likely to take time. It is suggested here that the prospects for Iraq’s media are less bleak than is often assumed." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"International law provides robust general protection for freedom of expression, including freedom of the media, and this has been subject to detailed elaboration by international human rights courts and other official bodies tasked with promoting human rights globally and regionally. For the media,
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some of the key implications of the right to freedom of expression are that the media should only be regulated where this is necessary to serve an overriding social interest and that such regulation should be undertaken only by bodies which are protected against political and commercial interference. Furthermore, an important goal of media regulation should be to foster and promote diversity in the media. International law also places clear limits on restrictions on what may be published or broadcast through the media, while also imposing a positive obligation on States to put in place systems to ensure that individuals can access information held by public bodies. All of the countries in the Arab world are in serious breach of all or most of these standards. While there has been some progress recently, particularly in terms of respect for freedom of expression in practice, the need for comprehensive media law reform in the region remains pressing and very substantial. Unless structural protection for media freedom is provided through law reform efforts, it is extremely unlikely that any gains in respect for freedom of expression will be lasting." (Conclusion, page 64)
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"This report examines whether and how furthering Internet freedom can empower civil society vis-à-vis public officials, make the government more accountable to its citizens, and integrate citizens into the policymaking process. Using case studies of events in 2011 in Egypt, Syria, China, and Russia
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, researchers focus on the impact of Internet freedom on freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, and the right to cast a meaningful vote, all of which are the key pillars of political space. Researchers analyze the mechanisms by which Internet freedom can enhance the opportunities to enjoy these freedoms, how different political contexts can alter the opportunities for online mobilization, and how, subsequently, online activism can grow out into offline mobilization leading to visible policy changes. To provide historical context, researchers also draw parallels between the effects of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty programs in the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the ongoing efforts to expand Internet freedom for all. The report concludes by discussing implications for the design of Internet freedom programs and other measures to protect “freedom to connect." (Back cover)
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This report addresses the state of the media in Syria; the laws that regulate and restrict the media, and the attacks on the media and journalists. The report also provides a Media Map, a list of print and online publications, radio and TV stations in Syria. According to the conclusion, "the interna
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tional community and media development organizations should provide funding and training courses for media establishments in Syria that are committed to professional and objective reporting and that promote diversity and tolerance in the country."
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