"This article discusses a popular Syrian television drama series, Bab al-Hara (The Neighborhood Gate), which ran for five seasons (2006-10). It is part of a genre of television series called the "Damascene milieu," which nostalgically dramatizes life in imagined Damascene neighborhoods in the late 1
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9th or early 20th centuries. The narrative of Bab al-Hara focuses on how a Syrian community lived under and resisted French colonial rule and its local collaborators. The article argues that the strategic imagination of the past in the series reflects the Syrian regime's project of national consolidation in Syria, a country sharply divided by class, sect, and local belonging and desperately seeking to bridge a gap between state authority and a national sense of belonging. However, within the context of the 2011 uprising, both regime and opposition discourses echoed themes and symbols from the series - demonstrating its political relevance. The article concludes that the series is a spectacular example of how popular culture, particularly in postcolonial and authoritarian contexts, contributes to the imagination of identity and memory in ways that are used by different national groups to bolster and contest political positions." (Abstract)
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"Our findings are based on responses to an online questionnaire completed by 69 Iranian journalists living and working outside Iran. A majority of respondents surveyed left Iran after 2005 and work as journalists for online media outlets [...] Our research indicates that Iranian journalists living a
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nd working abroad remain deeply connected to both the Iranian public and the broader Farsi-speaking diaspora, and believe their most important role is to inform both “publics” about issues not covered in the Iranian domestic news. As such, a majority of respondents surveyed are primarily employed with Farsi-language media outlets, covering Iranian current events and politics, as well as “red-line” topics that journalists inside Iran are forbidden to cover. However—and importantly—our findings show that a majority of respondents do not believe that their role is to act as activists, contributing to the civil society in Iran, but rather to inform the public with objective, fact-based reporting. Respondents in our survey strongly align themselves with public-interest journalism, in which the media’s primary role is to inform the citizenry and serve as a check on political and economic elites." (Summary of key findings, page 4-5)
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"Freedom House has conducted a comprehensive study of internet freedom in 60 countries around the world. This report is the fourth in a series and focuses on developments that occurred between May 2012 and April 2013. The previous edition, covering 47 countries, was published in September 2012. 'Fre
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edom on the Net 2013' assesses a greater variety of political systems than its predecessors, while tracing improvements and declines in the countries examined in the previous editions. Over 70 researchers, nearly all based in the countries they analyzed, contributed to the project examining laws and practices relevant to the internet, testing the accessibility of select websites, and interviewing a wide range of sources. Of the 60 countries assessed, 34 have experienced a negative trajectory since May 2012." (Page 2)
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"With more than 125 million individuals using the Internet in the Arab region, and more than 53 million actively using social networking technologies, the DSG Governance and Innovation Program in partnership with Bayt.com conducted a regional survey to examine internet usage trends in the Arab regio
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n. This white paper examines trends across four dimensions: 1. Access to the internet and internet-enabled devices, 2. Quality and quantity of time spent online, 3. Frequency of internet usage, 4. Attitudes and trends toward social media." (Page 1)
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"Though Facebook’s near-ubiquitous lead might indicate that the global social network landscape is simplifying, it quickly becomes clear this is not the case. This report aims to help marketers assess the social network landscape in 27 countries by briefly examining four key factors: top social ne
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tworks, usage, social media advertising and mobile social trends." (Executive summary)
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"The purpose of this report is to contribute to a deeper understanding of Iranian youth as a whole, rather than focus on one particular segment. Specifically, this report aims to address the following questions: 1) What are the key values that underlie the attitudes and behaviour of Iranian youth an
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d how do these vary between different segments of the youth? (2) What do young men and women in Iran prioritise in their lives and what are their key concerns for the future? (3) How do Iranian youth perceive the current social and political situation in Iran? What are their views on protection of human rights, freedom of expression and their own political efficacy? Which state institution do they find most trustworthy and to what extent do they feel that Iran needs to change? (4) What are the media and communication preferences of young Iranians? What role do traditional media play in their informationgathering processes and how important are the internet, social media and mobile phones?" (Executive summary)
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"This is a guide of sorts, presenting a collection of terms used on both sides, which in some contexts may be regarded as loaded or biased, or whose meaning is often misunderstood, or which can be misleading. These are words the use of which is liable to give away the reporter’s communal identity
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or sympathies. There are words that can cause some audiences to simply shut down and stop listening. Our goal is to expose potential linguistic pitfalls, so that those covering the conflict are aware of how their words might be received. The handbook tries to present reasonable alternatives to the loaded terms and is meant to serve as a tool for journalists trying to find their way in the typically complicated terminology of the conflict. It was written not only for the sake of Israeli and Palestinian journalists but also for foreign reporters, with the intention of honing and increasing their awareness of problematic terminology that they might employ, or that they might find in use by actors on both sides of the conflict." (Editor's note)
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"GISWatch 2013 shows that gains in women’s rights made online are not always certain or stable. While access to the internet for women has increased their participation in the social, economic and governance spheres, there is another side to these opportunities: online harassment, cyberstalking, a
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nd violence against women online all of which are on the increase globally." (www.giswatch.org, July 6, 2014)
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"Seen from the perspective of film directors in the Middle East, the NFSD‘s Middle East Project makes a clear contribution in a number of areas: focusing on documentary flimmaking, it provides opportunities for flimmakers from the region to engage with realities that are important to them, but per
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haps difficult to expiore without the framework that a training program provides; it introduces flimmakers to a kind of film pedagogy that is seen as deviating from what tends to be on offer in the region‘s established institutions, a pedagogy that is liberating, engaging, and enabling; finaily, it fosters networks, and aithough some of the ties in question may be weak, they are perceived as a potential basis for further. worthwhile filmmaking activities, and thus as enabling. In some cases, student filmmakers from the Middle East have become central to the NFSD‘s project and key figures within the network. This is clearly the case, for example, for Corine Shawi. The art-based network(s) that the project helps to create may be its most important contribution. Hala Galal, from partner NGO Semat in Cairo, speaks of the “regression and increasing intimidation“ that she encounters in her “daily work as a female filmmaker“ in Egypt. And she goes on to underscore the importance of the kind of support that a network of friends and fellow travelers can provide: “Th are people in other nations who can appreciate my work, despite the differences in ethnicity, religion, and language. This. . . has strengthened my conviction that we, as human beings the world over, can stand united against injustice and intolerance in all its forms.“ Film training, in this way of thinking, extends well beyond mere technical skills and into the domain of “world making.“ Admirably, those working with this kind of model are not afraid to recognize and, indeed, embrace the responsibilities that this entails." (Conclusion, page 147)
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"The overall objective of the research is to provide the Foreign & Commonwealth Office and its Libyan Government counterparts with an updated assessment of the Libyan media landscape that measures consumption habits, perceptions of trust towards certain outlets, and attitudes towards government invo
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lvement in Libyan media, leading to recommendations for improving communication between the Libyan Government and the Libyan people. This report is a collection of the most informative results from this research, which was conducted across Libya’s 22 districts between February and April 2013. Overall, the project involved interviewing 3,196 randomly-selected Libyans with a 65-question questionnaire, together with 26 Paired Interviews and 40 Key Informant Interviews covering most of the influential television, radio and publications outlets." (Executive summary)
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"Politics in the Middle East is now ‘seen’ and the image is playing a central part in processes of political struggle. This is the first book in the literature to engage directly with these changing ways of communicating politics in the region - and particularly with the politics of the image, i
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ts power as a political tool. Lina Khatib presents a cross-country examination of emerging trends in the use of visuals in political struggles in the Middle East, from the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon to the Green Movement in Iran, to the Arab Spring in Egypt, Syria and Libya. She demonstrates how states, activists, artists and people ‘on the street'’ are making use of television, the social media and mobile phones, as well as non-electronic forms, including posters, cartoons, billboards and graffiti to convey and mediate political messages. She also draws attention to politics as a visual performance by leaders and citizens alike." (Publisher description)
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"The Iraqi media sector is polarized, with news content often representing political positions. In a postconflict environment such as Iraq, this polarized content can become inflammatory, potentially inciting violence and diminishing the chances for Iraq to move forward in its transition to a peacef
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ul democratic society. The U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP) and the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania engaged three key parts of the media sector—Iraqi civil society media monitors, regulatory bodies, and news media—to jointly discuss and decide how best to minimize inflammatory language, while still respecting press and expression freedoms. The collaborative effort included a media content analysis that identified, defined, and measured the prevalence of inflammatory terms appearing on the newscasts of the top five Iraqi satellite stations before Iraq’s national elections in 2010. The research findings were shared with Iraqi media, civil society media monitors, and regulatory bodies to assist them in preventing inflammatory reporting. Using a set of guidelines developed by Iraqi media stakeholders and USIP, a pilot group of influential news directors, media regulators, and civil society media monitors created a style guide for conflict reporting, which provides both a reference for media to minimize the use of inflammatory terms and a starting place for Iraqis to address the issues noted in the content analysis and improve media regulation and monitoring. Building on the self-regulatory tools developed, USIP is seeking to create a network of civic organizations across Iraq that can monitor media content on a range of potential conflict issues, from elections to oil to ethnic relations." (Summary)
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"The essays explore the role and function of image making to highlight the ways in which the images "speak" and what visual languages mean for the construction of Islamic subjectivities, the distribution of power, and the formation of identity and belonging. Visual Culture in the Modern Middle East
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addresses aspects of the visual in the Islamic world, including the presentation of Islam on television; on the internet and other digital media; in banners, posters, murals, and graffiti; and in the satirical press, cartoons, and children's books." (Publisher description)
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