"The 2009 presidential elections and the surrounding events represent one of the most dramatic moments in contemporary Iranian history. The massive demonstrations over the official election results soon evolved into a broad protest movement demanding civil rights and political change, confronting th
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e Islamic Republic with a significant crisis. When the Iranian regime responded with widespread repression, journalists were among its main targets – many were arrested, or pressurised, and some are still in prison; more than 100 have left their country in the biggest exodus of journalists since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. In this book, 12 Iranian journalists, exiled after the election crisis, deliver poignant accounts of the events and their personal experiences during those days. In their articles they describe the agitation during the election campaign and the initial protests as well as the period of repression and arrests that followed. Others analyse the key moments of the protest movement or reflect on their life and work in exile. All authors hail from a new generation of professional journalists deeply involved in the struggle for reform and the democratisation of Iran’s Islamic Republic. Their writings not only provide records of the turbulent developments after the elections, but also attest to a political culture that cannot fail to change their country." (Publisher description)
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"Severe harassment by Palestinian Authority and Hamas security forces of Palestinian journalists in the West Bank and Gaza has had a pronounced chilling effect on freedom of expression. This report documents cases in which Palestinian security forces tortured, beat, and arbitrarily detained journali
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sts, and subjected them to other forms of harassment. The report, based on interviews with Palestinian journalists, journalist syndicate representatives, and Palestinian Authority officials, focuses on seven cases in which Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces abused journalists, and documents two cases of abuse by Hamas security forces in Gaza, where the situation for journalists is also dire. Violations of journalists’ rights by Palestinian security forces are a worsening trend, both in the West Bank and Gaza. Incidents of abuse in 2010 increased by 45 percent over the previous year, according to one Palestinian rights group." (Back cover)
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"Building on rigorous research by the world-renowned Glasgow University Media Group, 'More Bad News From Israel' examines media coverage of the current conflict in the Middle East and the impact it has on public opinion. The book brings together senior journalists and ordinary viewers to examine how
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audiences understand the news and how their views are shaped by media reporting. In the largest study ever undertaken in this area, the authors focus on television news. They illustrate major differences in the way Israelis and Palestinians are represented, including how casualties are shown and the presentation of the motives and rationales of both sides. They combine this with extensive audience research involving hundreds of participants from the USA, Britain and Germany. It shows extraordinary differences in levels of knowledge and understanding, especially amongst young people from these countries." (Publisher description)
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"When news organizations began covering the Intifada in 2000, activists formed a media-monitoring group called Palestine Media Watch to lobby journalists to interpret the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within an international law framework. Activists minimized their dissidence in relation to journalis
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m, systematically monitoring coverage over a period of several months, and meeting face-to-face with newsworkers. Drawing upon archives and interviews, I demonstrate that dissident media-monitoring groups play a small, but meaningful role in the newsmaking process. Dissidents can produce changes because they can formulate criticisms that newsworkers define as "journalistically useful." I define these criticisms to show how the definition facilitates and limits what can be accomplished via systematic monitoring, and suggest alternative dissident media strategies." (Abstract)
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"The media intervention programs and training initiatives for Arabs reflect hegemonies and dependencies. Taking into consideration the absence of a public cinema infrastructure in the Arab World and thus the lack of institutional representation or backing for film-makers leads one to question to wha
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t degree the director can control her/his story. Or in other words, to what extent the films, which are read as national works, can reflect debates or atmospheres in their country of origin at all? The decoding of films, not only from the Middle East, is in many cases national, as the case of Paradise Now showed. Critics’ reactions to Waltz with Bashir suggest that the reading of the film is connected to the actual political experience within the region versus political assumptions about it, a rather regional reading. An aspect entirely missing in the Western decoding process of films from the Middle East is the question who was involved in the encoding. The critics, who translate the film to the wider audience, focus on the films’ subjects or manipulations, rather than on the economic and institutional backing of the creation and thus interests behind it. After completing the film it is solely the director who has to defend the work as a statement from and about her/his country. Regardless of formal ownership and the involvement of co-producing states these films are marketed as documents from and about the country in which the story takes place. The majority of co-productions by directors from the Middle East, like the majority of films produced at all, get little attention. It is the films with international recognition, be it by box office numbers or debates that are remembered. One could easily assume that Paradise Now will become part of a Palestinian collective memory. Yet, without physical archives in the Arab countries, and Palestine not even being a state, how long will the co-produced movies be accessible as part of cultural heritage? In French and German archives the film rolls will be stored and made accessible, it is in Europe where Arabs will still have to look for their cultural memory in the distant future." (Conclusion, page 11-12)
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"This study is the first experimental attempt to identify the family, legal and professional conditions of journalists in Lebanon. But the desire to undertake a comprehensive survey of all journalists working in the media in all Lebanese regions has not been realized for several reasons; the most im
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portant reason being that only 1601 journalists responded to the forms that have been distributed." (Preface)
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"This book provides a clear and authoritative introduction to the emerging Arab media industries in the context of globalization and its impacts, with a focus on publishing, press, broadcasting, cinema and new media. Through detailed discussions of the regulation and economics of these industries, t
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he authors argue that the political, technological and cultural changes on the global media scene have resulted in the reorganization of the Arab media field. They provide striking examples of this through the particular effects on media policies, media technology and the content and genres developed for the new generation of media consumers. As part of the book's overview of the contemporary characteristics of Arab media, the authors outline the development of the role of modern Arab media from a tool of mobilizing the public to a tool of commercial and symbolic profit. Overall, the volume illustrates how the Arab region represents a unique case where the commercialization and liberalization of selected media industries has gone hand in hand with continuous state intervention and an increasing self censorship." (Publisher description)
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"Within less than 20 years, the number of Arabic-language satellite channels has risen from zero to more than 500, including channels financed by the US, Russia, China, the UK and France. Some 50 of these channels label themselves as Islamic (and a handful are Christian), but Islamic programming is
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also present in many of the other channels, whether state-run or private. This massive proliferation of Islamic programming has also given rise to specifically Islamist and Salafist channels and programmes. This chapter will describe these developments and discuss their implications. Mass media and Islamic fundamentalism go back a long way in the Arab World." (Page 264)
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"The protests unleashed by Iran's disputed presidential election in June 2009 brought the Islamic Republic's vigorous cyber culture to the world's attention. Iran has an estimated 700,000 bloggers, and new media such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube were thought to have played a key role in spreadin
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g news of the protests. The internet is often celebrated as an agent of social change in countries like Iran, but most literature on the subject has struggled to grasp what this new phenomenon actually means. How is it different from print culture? Is it really a new public sphere? Will the Iranian blogosphere create a culture of dissidence, which eventually overpowers the Islamist regime? In this groundbreaking work, the authors give a flavour of contemporary internet culture in Iran and analyse how this new form of communication is affecting the social and political life of the country. Although they warn against stereotyping bloggers as dissidents, they argue that the internet is changing things in ways which neither the government nor the democracy movement could have anticipated." (Publisher description)
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"Le difficoltà di Télé Lumière consistono, a nostro parere: in un livello tecnico sì buono, ma ancora migliorabile; nella preparazione di coloro che interagiscono direttamente con il pubblico, che potrebbe essere più qualificata. Inoltre si è constata: la mancanza d’autosufficienza (sopratt
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utto economica); una programmazione ricorrentemente vecchia, con alcuni telefilm e video clip non di recente produzione, e qualche talk show che potrebbe essere aggiornato; nonché continue repliche di notizie ripescate dalle televisioni occidentali. Invece crediamo che le news debbano riflettere gli interessi del popolo Arabo, approfondire i sentimenti dell’unità Araba e i punti di vista in favore degli Arabi dovranno essere stimolati." (Conclusioni, pagina 129)
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"This report presents the author's experiences regarding the relation of international interventions and local institutions in the (post-)conflict countries of Bosnia, Kosovo, Iraq, Sudan and Afghanistan. Haselock states that media reforms are most successful where they are the result of partnership
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s with local stakeholders, or where local professionals and the civil society have taken ownership of the peacebuilding process. This approach involves international planners having a high understanding of the social and cultural situation and the conditions of the conflict. Therefore, they need to be part of two-way communication, where they are regarded as learners, following a "you know best", instead of a "we know best" approach. However, Haselock shows that foreign implementers often do not include local stakeholders enough, evoking refusal of international peacebuilding interventions." (commbox)
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"The main objective of this booklet is to provide an overview of current initiatives and projects focusing on Communication for Development applied to natural resources management and agriculture in the region, assess the main challenges, and identify links and opportunities to strengthen their coll
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aboration and further advance Communication for Development in the region." (Preface)
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