"Internet censorship poses a large and growing challenge to online freedom of expression around the world. Censorship circumvention tools are critical to bypass restrictions on the internet and thereby to protect free expression online. Circumvention tools are primarily designed to bypass internet f
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iltering. Therefore, the core principle behind these technologies is to find alternative paths for data packets. These alternative paths use one or more collaborative servers in order to bypass the network of blocking mechanisms. This document provides a comparison among different circumvention tools, both in terms of their technical merits, as well as how users of these tools describe their experience with them. The countries included in this report are Azerbaijan, Burma, China and Iran." (Executive summary, page 9)
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"Is it conceivable that there may be an autonomous evolution of digital publications in developing countries, entirely independent of the richest nations? What support policies could be implemented to promote the growth of this new industry and accompany traditional actors in the process of adapting
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to the changes involved? The digital experiences undertaken in the South suggest that new technologies represent a great opportunity for developing countries - particularly in terms of diffusion -, but on the condition that local entrepreneurs seek out original models adapted to the concrete needs of their communities." (Back cover)
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"Im ersten Block analysieren Vertreter der iranischen Social-Media-Szene die Rolle des Web 2.0 in Iran von seinen Anfängen bis heute. Der iranische Blogger Mehdi Mohseni umreißt die Social-Media-Aktivitäten der Parteien rund um den Präsidentschaftswahlkampf 2009 und die Folgen für die iranische
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Bloggerszene nach dem Wahlausgang. Der Medienwissenschaftler Gholam Khiabany hinterfragt die zumeist pauschale positive Beurteilung des Web 2.0 und konzentriert sich wie Mehdi Yahyanejad, Gründer der persischen Website Balatarin, in seinem Beitrag auf die Instrumentalisierung des Internets durch den iranischen Staat. Was hieraus entsteht, lässt sich mit dem Begriff "Cyberkrieg" betiteln, den der Politiker Omid Nouripour in seinem Beitrag thematisiert. Der zweite Teil des Sammelbandes geht der Frage nach, welche Aufgaben sich daraus für den Auslandsfunk ergeben und welche Fallstricke sich verbergen, wenn der Adressat zum Dialogpartner wird. Der dritte Block fragt, wie die neuen Medien für den politischen Dialog genutzt werden können. Hier untersucht der Islamwissenschaftler Marcus Michaelsen die Rolle der sozialen Medien für die Öffnung autoritärer Regime." (Vorwort)
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"The article addresses the use of the internet by Islamic social movement organizations (SMOs), focusing on the case of Justice and Charity (JC), the biggest opposition political group in Morocco. It examines the extent to which the SMO exploits the potential of the medium in collective action, and
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the implications of this use for the SMO’s capacity to advance its cause and resist state repression. Drawing on social movement and radical democracy theories, the study highlights the implications of the internet for collective identity-building in the political project of the Islamic SMO. The article argues that while JC draws extensively on the internet to enhance collective identity-construction and build an antagonistic public sphere, it fails to benefit from the potential of the medium to promote gender equality and genuine participative communication, and to build an agonistic political sphere." (Abstract)
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"Women have yet to enter to Bahrain’s parliament despite being permitted to run for some years. With its king promoting social and economic change, the media has portrayed positive images of Arab women as professionals against a backdrop of religious conservatism. The communications strategy adopt
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ed by some women candidates to attain election to parliament and the response of the local media are analysed utilizing content analysis. Despite some variation of coverage, the media in this Persian Gulf country were found to be fair to all women candidates and generally gender-neutral. Although the women candidates who applied a well thought-out communications strategy did better in media coverage and voting results, ultimately none were elected. This article explores the reasons for this failure in terms of Islamist religious interpretations of the role of women and Arab cultural conventions regarding family life. Finally, the authors speculate briefly about the prospects of political communications by women challenging Arab cultural conservatism in the future." (Abstract)
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"In the year of the Arab uprisings Global Information Society Watch 2011 investigates how governments and internet and mobile phone companies are trying to restrict freedom online – and how citizens are responding to this using the very same technologies. Everyone is familiar with the stories of E
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gypt and Tunisia. GISWatch authors tell these and other lesser-known stories from more than 60 countries. Stories about: Prison conditions in Argentina - prisoners are using the internet to protest living conditions and demand respect for their rights; Torture in Indonesia - the torture of two West Papuan farmers was recorded on a mobile phone and leaked to the internet, the video spread to well-known human rights sites sparking public outrage and a formal investigation by the authorities; The tsunami in Japan - citizens used social media to share actionable information during the devastating tsunami, and in the aftermath online discussions contradicted misleading reports coming from state authorities. GISWatch also includes thematic reports and an introduction from Frank La Rue, Un special rapporteur." (Back cover)
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"Based on CommGAP’s interactions with the global anticorruption community as well as earlier research, we were able to collate 18 representative instances (case studies) from around the world, with real-life examples of citizens coming together to speak up against corruption and social norms vis-
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-vis corruption or to change public services affected by corrupt practices. This report is a “one-step-up” analysis of the collated case studies, which is intended to shed light on practical approaches, tools, and techniques that have been successful in bringing citizens together to stand against the daunting phenomenon of corruption." (Page 1)
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"In this report we describe the results of a survey of 98 bloggers in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) carried out in May 2011 in order to study bloggers’ perceptions of online risk and the actions they take to address digital communications security, including both Internet and cell phone
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use. The survey was implemented in the wake of the Arab spring and documents a proliferation of online security problems among the respondents. In the survey, we address the respondents’ perceptions of online risk, their knowledge of digital security practices, and their reported online security practices. The survey results indicate that there is much room for improving online security practices, even among this sample of respondents who are likely to have relatively high technical knowledge and experience." (Introduction)
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"Media Accountability in Syria is more a question of re-defining the role of media in society than working on transparency practices or establishing self-regulation. This is due to strong state control and the mobilisation role mass media has been playing in Syria for decades. Before opening its med
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ia market for private publications in 2001 Syrian media was controlled either by the state or the ruling Baath party. Media accountability institutions like press councils or ombudspersons were simply not necessary in this concept of media and therefore do not exist. The only professional organisation, the Syrian Journalists Syndicate, did not act as a representative of independent journalists but as a representative of the regime. Additionally, as all journalists and media outlets had to work for more or less the same purpose, norms for guiding individual or organisational decisions – such as a code of ethics – were superfluous.
Although these conditions still persist in major parts of the media field, news websites have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field.
In addition, news websites have added new topics to the traditional news agenda by taking the audience into account, and thus have contributed to holding the media accountable for aspects the old media does not cover. Thus, at least in some cases, media has played the role of being a watchdog over political decisions, which role media has never previously adopted. have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field." (Summary)
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"Lebanon’s media has been envied for its press freedom and high quality by many Arabs from the region for decades. After 15 years of civil war the media had quickly started to flourish again. Yet, internal and external observers have been concerned about the close links between the media and polit
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ical and religious groups that have led to highly politicized journalism. There is no professional organisation that could unify journalists from the various fractions and set in force binding rules like a code of ethics. A media council does not exist, journalists unions are not involved in media accountability practices and a state’s ombudsman has never been instituted. Yet, internal accountability practices are relatively well developed. As political affiliation of media outlets is openly handled (e.g. staff is mainly recruited from each media’s particular political group, party emblems are published prominently, mission statements and ownership information are partly available), Lebanese normally know how to interpret the news. Accountability practices that were already in evidence in offline media have been adopted by the majority of websites, such as by-lines, precise references in stories and letters-to-the-editor." (Abstract)
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"Holding the news media accountable has traditionally been a task of the state in Jordan. Media laws and regulations are numerous and do not leave too much space for self-regulatory practices on a national basis. The Jordan Press Association (JPA) is the core of so-called established media accountab
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ility institutions. It conducted a law-like code of ethics in 2003 and runs ombuds committees (currently three) dealing with mishaps of the media to prevent journalists from legal liability. Though being a professional body, many journalists perceive the JPA as an extended arm of the government. Until 2010 the association was not prepared to deal with private broadcasting and online journalists in the same way as it does with press and state owned media journalists. Most media outlets in Jordan are characterised by a lack of accountability awareness and practices especially when it comes to actor and production transparency. Only recently have some news organisations (mainly net-native) become aware of their duty to be accountable towards their audiences. New comers to the field of online news, in particular, have experimented with citizens’ involvement and have established a high level of responsiveness in their newsrooms." (Summary)
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"As the United Arab Emirates continues to emerge as a cosmopolitan tourist destination, the marketing of Arab images to create metaphors of hospitality and openness, even sex appeal, will continue to grow. Images of Arab women are central to the branding of the UAE in its desired role as a globally
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known brand/product/service that goes beyond normal expectations, delivering incredible luxury, all with the open arms of a warm and generous society. Consequently, the UAE advertising and media industry has created a mixed brand of western and Islamic representations of local women that is sometimes controversial, sometimes liberating. Arab women are caught in the dichotomous push-pull dynamics of rapid modernization in an Islamic state. These women will undoubtedly participate in the emergence of new gender identities, but not without resistance and obstacles, some imposed on themselves as they seek to navigate the forces of capitalistic consumerism and its effects on identity. Within this complexity, the influence of Western advertising and its potential impact on traditional versions of female Islamic identity cannot be easily reduced to a simple negative, but it is certainly the case that the classic dismemberment and fetishization of the female body is likely to intensify in Arab consumer media. This radical shift in her existential and social status will undoubtedly have deep and wide effects on the condition of women in UAE society. The status of the values and traditions of Arab-Islamic femininity and motherhood will become a matter for contestation with these commercial forces, as women appear more and more as the enablers of a more liberal and globalised value system. Many Arab women, both traditional and more liberal, are learning to navigate the dualistic pressures of living in a modern society with strong traditional values. Yet, they face a bipolar existence, at least for now. On the one hand, the image of Arab woman is being used in the public sphere to create a brand of sophistication and hospitality. On the other, women who appear publicly are still judged, sometimes very harshly. Consequently, Arab marketing to Arab women as consumers and Arab women as drivers of consumption tread between the idealized traditional Arab woman and the marketable Arab woman. The Arab woman emerges as an advertisement both for herself and her nation, while maintaining an identity of piety and a traditional role within the family. The successful identity of Arab woman will maintain a sense of piety, while being appealing to a world audience. Can global consumerism and Arab female identity find a peaceful coexistence? It will likely require Arab women’s sensibilities to negotiate this new identity from within their culture at a pace that is not threatening to the culture in general. This renegotiation will require wisdom, courage and the logic of the marketplace, a complicated territory indeed." (Conclusion, page 84)
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The IREX Audience Measurement Survey 2011 in Iraq was an ad hoc national quantitative research study on media usage, habits and attitudes of people over the age of 15, across Iraq, with a total sample size of 3,000 individuals. The total sample consists of a representative sample of 2,600 individual
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s, as well as a booster sample of 400 Iraqi youth using new media.
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"The most popular types of social media in the UAE are generally the same as those used in other regions across the Middle East, North Africa, and beyond. These include social networks (Facebook), video-sharing sites (YouTube), and micro-blogging sites (Twitter), among others. UAE respondents were b
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oth generally skilled in the use of a variety of social media, and well aware of its potential ethical and practical limitations. It has served as a vital source and vehicle for news, information, business development, opinion sharing, cultural production, and entertainment. But residents were also well aware of its potential as a platform for making business and government practices more transparent, and its usefulness as a mobilizing platform for political change. Further research is needed to determine the larger impact of social media, particularly on UAE youth and women. Also, further research should be conducted to determine a more complete picture of its benefits, liabilities, and potential in an area that maintains one of world’s highest net migration rates. In the UAE, and perhaps the Gulf region at large, social media has established its place as an integral and interdependent actor in society." (Conclusion, page 22)
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