"Bringing together perspectives from academia and practice, this second edition Research Handbook provides fresh insights into debates surrounding digital technology and how to respect and protect human rights in an increasingly digital world. New and updated chapters cover the issues posed by the m
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anagement of key internet resources, the governance of its architecture and the role of different stakeholders." (Publisher description)
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"This study explores how journalists in the United States advocated for a stronger affirmation of social justice in journalism following the murder of George Floyd in 2020. Analyzing the metajournalistic discourse in trade publications (Niemanlab, Columbia Journalism Review, Poynter) and on the web,
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this study traces how journalists and commentators challenged the professional norm of journalistic objectivity. In particular, it examines how journalistic objectivity became identified as a problematic concept, what journalists were suggesting as its alternative, and how the journalistic establishment responded. This study identifies three dimensions of criticisms and connects these to disagreements within specific modalities of journalistic objectivity (procedural, ethical, ideological). Ultimately, this analysis locates an ideological struggle in which fundamental moral norms of journalism are not only being vigorously contested but also rearticulated and renegotiated." (Abstract)
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"Most scholars focus on the prevalence and democratic effects of (partisan) news exposure. This focus misses large parts of online activities of a majority of politically disinterested citizens. Although political content also appears outside of news outlets and may profoundly shape public opinion,
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its prevalence and effects are understudied at scale. This project combines three-wave panel survey data from three countries (total N = 7,266) with online behavioral data from the same participants (over 106M visits). We create a multi-lingual classifier to identify political content both in news and outside (e.g. in shopping or entertainment sites). We find that news consumption is infrequent: just 3.4% of participants’ online browsing comprised visits to news sites. Only between 14% (NL) and 36% (US) of these visits were to news about politics. The overwhelming majority of participants' visits were to non-news sites. Although only 1.6% of those visits related to politics, in absolute terms, citizens encounter politics more frequently outside of news than within news. Out of every 10 visits to political content, 3.4 come from news and 6.6 from non-news sites. Furthermore, exposure to political content outside news domains had the same – and in some cases stronger - associations with key democratic attitudes and behaviors as news exposure. These findings offer a comprehensive analysis of the online political (not solely news) ecosystem and demonstrate the importance of assessing the prevalence and effects of political content in non-news sources." (Abstract)
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"Between 2015 and 2017, the Internet Research Agency (IRA) – a Kremlin-backed “troll farm” based in St. Petersburg – executed a propaganda campaign on Twitter to target US voters. Scholarship has expended relatively little effort to study the role of Islamophobia in the IRA’s propaganda ca
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mpaign. Following critical disinformation research, this article demonstrates that Islamophobia, affect, and white identity played a crucial role in the IRA’s targeting of rightwing US voters. With an official release of tweets and associated visual content from Twitter, we use topic modeling and visual analysis to explore both how, and to what extent, the IRA used Islamophobia in its propaganda. To do so, we develop a multimodal distant reading technique to study how the IRA aligned users with contemporary far right social movements by deploying racial and emotional appeals that center on narrating a transnational white identity under threat from Islam and Muslims." (Abstract)
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"Conspiracy theories present a relevant phenomenon in society and are studied within dif-ferent disciplines. One of the aspects of analyzing conspiracy theories is understanding the pattern whereby social movements utilize the media to construct and spread those narratives. In that regard, social mo
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vements frame certain events as part of a conspiracy. By applying an international compar-ative approach, this study examines the media framing of events as a conspiracy theory in the USA and Egypt. The study focuses on political conspiracies targeting the local elite or political establish-ment as serving foreign enemies. Qualitative framing analysis is applied to analyze news segments (n = 140), 80 articles, and 60 videos from the Egyptian Islamist media and the Make America Great Again (MAGA) conservative media in the USA. The results show a huge similarity in the frames uti-lized by the media in both countries in constructing conspiracy theories. The Egyptian and American media constructed conspiracy narratives about claimed secret collusion between the elite leaders and foreign enemies. Whereas the Egyptian media morally framed the conspiracy as treason, the Ameri-can media framed it as part of corruption. Moreover, the historical continuity in the Egyptian con-spiracy theories was more obvious than in the theories in the USA. The empirical analysis shows that conspiracy theories are strategically used in the media to achieve certain political goals." (Abstract)
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"Journalistic well-being is garnering increasing attention from scholars globally. Nevertheless, minimal research has explored how colleges and universities are teaching about such topics, especially as they pertain to hostility toward the press, which is on the rise. Utilizing a survey of journalis
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m instructors at ACEJMC-accredited U.S.-based universities, this study explores the state of education on the topics of abuse and safety toward journalists. Data indicate that instructors rarely teach about hostility in the classroom, although most feel efficacious to do so. Moreover, findings indicate an instructor is more likely to teach about hostility toward the press the more they see it as an issue and have encountered it personally as a journalist—particularly women faculty. Implications for these findings are discussed for journalism schools and their curriculum." (Abstract)
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"This study examines 23 recently enacted or proposed legislative efforts from 2018 through 2024 aimed at providing revenue streams for journalism. We hope it offers a fulsome method for analyzing possible paths forward. There are two main parts of the report: Part One groups this legislation into se
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ven models for financing journalism. The financing models are organized around legal mechanisms that range from an expanded view of copyright to direct support for news by platforms and governments: the digital interaction (“usage”) type [models 1-3]; the subsidy type [models 4-6] and the tax type (model 7). Part Two looks at how this legislation impacts other issues critical to a sustainable news ecosystem that supports functioning, free societies. We first address an implicit yet inconsistently treated concept that emerges from this legislation: appropriate compensation, if any, for various uses of (and interactions with) digital content. This includes the notion of setting legal parameters for proper compensation that goes beyond traditional definitions of copyright. We then look at how these financially-oriented legislations impact issues within other core aspects of journalism." (Pages 2-4)
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[...] Based on decades of evolving research, testing, and learning, USAID has expanded its understanding of the multiple intersecting threats media practitioners face - legal, physical, economic, and digital - and how necessary it is to work from many sides to build and reinforce media sectors that
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are as resilient as possible against the forces that would seek to shut them down.
A major demonstration of this approach comes through USAID's Summit for Democracy commitments, a series of initiatives to address these threats and advance free and independent media. The first one is the Media Viability Accelerator (MVA), which was announced at the first Summit for Democracy in December 2021. The goal of the MVA is to preserve fact-based news and information media by providing access to the data they need to build strategies to survive, thrive, adapt, and grow as businesses. Through a public-private partnership with USAID, Microsoft, and Internews, MVA is a unique data platform using artificial intelligence and other digital tools to enable media outlets to better understand markets, audiences, and strategies that will maximize their odds of profitability.
Second, USAID's $20 million contribution to the International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM) is helping to boost global support through grants to develop and sustain a wide range of independent news organizations. To date, IFPIM has committed nearly $9 million through 32 grants across 16 countries to media outlets in urgent need of financial assistance and to strengthen their long-term sustainability. USAID's initial seed funding has leveraged an additional $30 million from 15 governments, philanthropies, and corporate entities.
The third initiative is Reporters Shield, an innovative program that helps protect investigative media outlets and civil society organizations from strategic litigation against public participation lawsuits, or other legal threats meant to silence their reporting. Prior to the launch of Reporters Shield, such help was inconsistent, ad hoc, reactive, and, often, expensive. USAID Administrator Samantha Power launched the next phase of USAID's Reporters Shield, at the United Nations Headquarters last World Press Freedom Day on May 3. Reporters Shield is now providing legal support services and capacity development for 12 media outlets and civil society organizations doing investigative reporting, with more than 100 applications still under review during the launch phase alone." (Pages 4-6)
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"Feelings of collective victimhood have been demonstrated to have a strong effect on ingroup bias, outgroup hostility and support for violence. The use of narratives stirring these feelings in far-right communications is especially concerning given their inclusion in the manifestos of several mass k
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illers across Europe and North America. However, scholars still have little knowledge on the reach of such narratives as well as the extent to which major salient events increase attention to collective victimhood messaging among far-right followers. To address these gaps, we analyze the use of collective victimhood narratives on the popular secure instant messaging service, Telegram, which has exploded in popularity in response to mainstream platforms’ attempts to moderate extremist speech. We develop a supervised machine learning algorithm to predict the presence of these discourses in text from over 18.5 million messages that were extracted from 1,870 far-right Telegram channels. We then use these data to test what impact the George Floyd protests and the storming of the US Capitol had on the frequency of collective narrative discussions on far-right Telegram. Our findings suggest that both events coincided with a significant increase in the use of victimhood narratives, thus providing insight into the radicalization process of far-right communities online." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on collaborative investigative journalism across the U.S.-Mexico (Global North-South) border. The frame theoretical study examines how virtual and inperson cross-border collaboration counters xenophobic frames and contextualizes coverage of Central America and Mexico and forced
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migration from the region between 2016 and 2022. The study found that cross-border collaborative journalism effectively exposed wrongdoing by the Central American, Mexican, and U.S. governments while countering misinformation about Central American and Mexican migrants. The coverage also expanded humanitarian frames, providing nuanced descriptions of the suffering of Central American and Mexican citizens. However, a deep historical context concerning U.S. hegemony in Central America and its impact on the cycle of violence and forced migration was missing from the coverage produced in virtual collaboration. The most critical and contextual coverage was produced in in-person collaborations, where journalists from both sides of the North-South border worked side by side in Central America. The findings raise concerns about what kinds of context, dialogue, and awareness fail to emerge in North-South collaborations limited to virtual spaces." (Abstract)
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In 2022, a record 62 billion kg of e-waste was generated globally (equivalent to an average of 7.8 kg per capita per year); 22.3 per cent of this e-waste mass was documented as formally collected and recycled in an environmentally sound manner. In 2010, the world generated 34 billion kg of e-waste,
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an amount that has since increased annually by an average of 2.3 billion kg. The documented formal collection and recycling rate has increased as well, growing from 8 billion kg in 2010 at an average rate of 0.5 billion kg per year to 13.8 billion kg in 2022. The rise in e-waste generation is therefore outpacing the rise in formal recycling by a factor of almost 5 - driven by technological progress, higher consumption, limited repair options, short product lifecycles, growing electronification and inadequate e-waste management infrastructure - and has thus outstripped the rise in formal and environmentally sound collection and recycling. The e-waste generated in 2022 contained 31 billion kg of metals, 17 billion kg of plastics and 14 billion kg of other materials (minerals, glass, composite materials, etc.) An estimated 19 billion kg of e-waste, mainly from metals like iron which is present in high quantities and has high recycling rates in almost all e-waste management routes, were turned into secondary resources. Platinum-group metals and precious metals were among the most valuable metals but present in much lower quantities; nonetheless, an estimated 300 thousand kg were turned into secondary resources through formal and informal recycling practices.
The share of patent applications for e-waste management rose from 148 per million in 2010 to 787 per million in 2022. Most of those applications were related to technologies for cable recycling, with hardly any signs of an increase in the number of patents filed for technologies related to critical raw materials recovery. Although rare earth elements have unique properties that are crucial for future technologies, including renewable energy generation and e-mobility, the world remains stunningly dependent on the production chains of a few countries. The recycling of such elements remains economically challenging, even in the case of devices with a higher content. Consequently, recycling activities are taking only around 1 per cent of the current demand for the recycling of rare earth elements. The market price for rare earth elements is still too low to support larger-scale commercial recycling operations." (Executive summary, pages 12-13)
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"In 2021, RWJF decided to make participatory grantmaking a hallmark strategy of a multiyear initiative focused on building the power and voice of communities affected by racial injustice in local public health and healthcare systems. The Foundation’s embrace of participatory grantmaking for this p
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ilot initiative was based on the belief that those closest to a problem should be central in crafting solutions. By providing outside and community experts with the power to design the initiative and recommend grants, RWJF staff believed the Foundation could increase the chances of achieving real and measurable community impact, while also delivering important lessons for the Foundation and other large funders about participatory grantmaking. This case study shares the story of how the process unfolded and how a committee external to the Foundation led the work of designing the initiative, soliciting and reviewing applications, agreeing on how the Foundation should disburse nearly $5 million in grants, and establishing norms and expectations for a group of intermediary grantees as they adopted their own participatory practices to “regrant” these dollars to community-based groups. The case study also seeks to lift up important takeaways for RWJF and other foundations, especially larger institutions, that are exploring or already engaging in some form of participatory grantmaking." (Pages 5-6)
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"How did the Trump administration capture one of the world’s most important public service news networks? This book uses rare interviews and an analysis of private correspondence and internal documents to explain why and how Voice of America (VOA) became intensely politicized from 2020 to 2021. It
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analyzes how political appointees, White House officials, and right-wing media influenced VOA—changing its reporting of the Black Lives Matter movement, the presidential election, and its contested aftermath. Trump allies took control of the network’s financial and human resources, dominated its governance structures, and instigated intimidating investigations into journalistic bias. Some journalists tried to resist, but others were too exhausted and fearful, particularly those in the organization’s language services. The book puts these events in historical and international context—and develops a new analytical framework for understanding government capture and its connection to broader processes of democratic backsliding. It argues that there is currently too little to prevent a future US administration with authoritarian tendencies from capturing VOA and converting it into a major domestic news organization. For this reason, it uses empirical research to recommend practical ways of protecting the network and other international public service media better in future." (Publisher description)
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"Since 2017, 518 journalists have been attacked while covering protests (U.S. Press Freedom Tracker, 2021) which is one of the most dangerous places to be as a journalist in the United States (Sterne & Peters, 2017). Despite the volatile climate around journalists as they cover increasingly dangerou
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s protests (Luqiu, 2020), there is minimal understanding as to the effect of these events on them (Talabi, et al., 2021). Furthermore, there is a gap in the hostility literature examining harassment that journalists face in the field. Through a survey of U.S. journalists, this study finds that covering protests causes journalists mental and emotional health concerns, which influences how they view their journalistic roles. Furthermore, the effects of positive and negative encounters at protests affected journalists personally, depending on who the perpetrator was (protestor or law enforcement)—influencing everything from PTSD and anxiety to intentions to leave journalism. The paper ultimately underscores the need for news organizations to make sure journalists not only are safe, but also feel safe, when reporting in the field." (Abstract)
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"This chapter looks at the status of the freedom of the press, and the legal possibilities and obstacles that affect media’s ability to hold power to account and safeguard the principles of democracy. The legal environment in countries as diverse as the United States, Egypt, and Sweden differs gre
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atly, and affects the ability of journalists to report news to citizens that enables them to take part in the public discourse, based on theories on the public sphere. And according to theories on democracy, informed citizens can be seen as a requirement for democracy. Thus, certain conditions are necessary for journalism to be considered the fourth estate, and arguments for this are based on comparing the working conditions for independent professional journalists by semi-structured interviews with local journalists. Aspects discussed are access to official documents, media’s right to protect anonymous sources and the increase in intimidatory tactics against reporters, as the three countries are in different ways applying laws in order to regulate the media and their ability to hold power to account." (Abstract)
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