"This study examines media coverage of the 2011–2012 famine in Somalia by the websites of BBC News, CNN and Al-Jazeera. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analyses, it explores why coverage of the famine began as late as it did, despite ample evidence of its inevitable unf
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olding, as well as the manner in which the famine was explained in popular news accounts. The study surveys famine-related news reports for evidence of four paradigms present in the current literature on famine and its causes, through which the famine could have been understood: as a Malthusian competition between population and land; as a failure of food entitlements; as critical political event; and as an issue of criminality. The findings include an overwhelming reliance on Malthusian explanations of famine, and noticeable under-reporting of the famine – despite ample evidence – until it was formally declared as such by the United Nations." (Abstract)
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"Das Thema Medien und Krieg wird in diesem Buch aus einer vierfachen Perspektive heraus behandelt. Es geht zum einen um die Frage nach der Berichterstattung über Kriege, zum zweiten um die Rolle von Medien im Krieg, drittens geht es darum, welche strukturellen Bedingungen von Krieg und Gesellschaft
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die Inhalte der Medien wie prägen und viertens um eine friedensstiftende Sicht auf diese Zusammenhänge. Das Fazit: Definitorisch gibt es kaum noch einen Unterschied zwischen medialer Kommunikation und Krieg." (Publisher description)
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"With the liberalisation of the airwaves and the rising use of mobile phones since the 2000s, call- and text-in shows have become popular and lively features on broadcast media in Eastern Africa. Amidst expanding possibilities for listeners to speak and contribute to live radio broadcasts, new ways
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of imagining the position of the audience emerge. The audience is not simply comprised of passive listeners of publicly broadcast information, but actively engaged in contributing and reacting to what is aired. Yet the nature and political potential of the ‘audience-public’ is not straightforward. Interactive radio and TV shows are not just introducing specific audience members into the discussion, but who they are, what they represent, their influence and contribution to the space are uncertain. As audience members engage, those who manage and shape the broadcast must imagine, interpret and respond. Each participant in the discussion –whether listening, or involved in the station – producing, hosting, etc. – must come to terms with the nature of the interaction, Who is engaged? How should they respond? What are their reasons for being engaged and how might the introduction of this indeterminate audience-public relate to their intentions? Given the plurality of subjectivities, information, roles and intentions of those involved, the audience and why it matters can be imagined in multiple and competing ways. This paper interrogates how different actors involved in the radio broadcast imagine and respond to audience participation, and how these imaginaries become politically significant. This paper draws predominantly on interview and observation data on the perspectives of station hosts, guests and frequent callers of selected media houses and interactive broadcast shows in Zambia and Kenya. It examines the dynamic, plural and conflicting ways in which the audience is being reconstructed as an active ‘public’. In so doing, it shows the centrality of the imagined audience in the construction of the broadcast as a ‘public’, specifically how the indeterminate audience becomes the basis for competing imaginaries about power, authority and belonging. The political significance of the ‘audience-public’, it is argued, lies in the very fact that multiple and competing imaginaries are at play, which are invested in by actors pursuing diverse ends and thereby create tangible political effects." (Abstract)
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"Public health interventions often take the form of media campaigns, which utilize television, radio, and print advertisements to spread awareness and inform the population of risk factors, prevention methods, and treatment options. This paper will focus on HIV/AIDS radio programs in Malawi, Zambia,
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and other countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. It will analyze these programs’ air times, audience, presentation style, and content, and identify how these factors influenced behavioral changes in the audiences. Additionally, this paper proposes promising techniques to ensure the success of future campaigns based on previous findings. Given these reviews of broadcasts of the past and their strengths and weaknesses, radio stations can better understand the reasons behind the programs’ respective impacts on the target populations." (Abstract)
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"Social media as a new phenomenon has become a tool used by many televangelists and pastors all over the world. It is against this background that this research sought to explore the Facebook activities of some Ghanaian Pentecostal pastors from a missional perspective. The article deals with the con
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cept of social media, Facebook and its potential for mission purposes, the Facebook phenomenon among Ghanaians and how Ghanaian Pentecostal Pastors are using Facebook for missional purposes, as well as some of concerns on the negative uses of social media. The study revealed that Ghanaian pastors are followed by people from different religious and societal backgrounds. It has also offered the pastors and their congregations the opportunity to form relationships with a wide and diverse range of people without being bound by geographical space." (Abstract)
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"[This publication] documents harassment and intimidation by government and ruling party officials against the media and civil society, particularly outside the capital, Kampala. The police, district officials, internal security officials, and the country’s broadcasting regulator visited and calle
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d stations to silence critical or independent voices. Journalists have been suspended and radio stations threatened with closure for hosting opposition members as guests. Likewise, state agents visited nongovernmental organizations working on governance, human rights, and oil sector transparency, threatened them with deregistration and closure, and in some cases, physically assaulted and arrested NGO activists. A pending law threatens to create broad and vaguely worded crimes for legitimate civil society work. The government and all other relevant authorities should respect and protect the freedoms of expression and association and cease intimidating and harassing journalists and civil society members. The government of Uganda should respect and uphold its obligations under international human rights law and Uganda’s own constitution to protect freedom of speech and voters’ right to receive and obtain information at this critical time. Unless remedied, violations of these basic rights will impede Uganda’s ability to hold free and fair elections." (Abstract)
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"This project aims to address a clear practical and methodological gap that exists in current efforts to tackle hate speech and its effects on communities in conflict zones—namely, how do we identify and contextualize the particular kind of language that’s likely to cause violence? Rather than a
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ssessing the existence or prevalence of hate speech language, this project instead examines terms and their use in a particular country context. To successfully monitor and counter hate speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, or even potentially dangerous. Therefore, PeaceTech Lab has produced this lexicon of terms used online during a particular period of South Sudanese conflict that began in December 2013 in order to analyze how they contributed to the conflict. This initiative also seeks to identify alternative language that would mitigate or counter the impact of this speech on the conflict and thereby help build peace in the country. Finally, this resource intends to inform other individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and countering hate speech in South Sudan—and potentially elsewhere—so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"Global press freedom declined to its lowest point in 12 years in 2015, as political, criminal, and terrorist forces sought to co-opt or silence the media in their broader struggle for power. The share of the world’s population that enjoys a Free press stood at just 13 percent, meaning fewer than
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one in seven people live in countries where coverage of political news is robust, the safety of journalists is guaranteed, state intrusion in media affairs is minimal, and the press is not subject to onerous legal or economic pressures. Steep declines worldwide were linked to two factors: heightened partisanship and polarization in a country’s media environment, and the degree of extralegal intimidation and physical violence faced by journalists. These problems were most acute in the Middle East, where governments and militias increasingly pressured journalists and media outlets to take sides, creating a “with us or against us” climate and demonizing those who refused to be cowed." (Page 1)
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"We use a “natural experiment” in media markets in Benin to examine the impact of community radio on government responsiveness to citizens. Contrary to prior research on the impact of mass media, in this experiment government agents do not provide greater benefits to citizens whose exposure to c
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ommunity radio increased their demand for those benefits. Households with greater access to community radio were more likely to pay for government-provided bed nets to combat malaria than to receive them for free. Mass media changed the private behavior of citizens—they invested more of their own resources in the public health good of bed nets—but not citizens’ ability to extract greater benefits from government. While the welfare consequences of these results are ambiguous, the pattern of radio's effects that we uncover has implications for policy strategies to use mass media for development objectives." (Abstract)
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"Based on the analyses of Rwandan and Kenyan cases, hate speech legislation is not an appropriate tool to prevent harm emanating from hate speech. The empirically verifiable costs of the tool by far outweigh its putative benefits. In Rwanda, opposition politicians are convicted for criticising gover
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nment policies, and journalists sentenced to decades of imprisonment for covering sensitive issues, held in pre-trial detention for years to be finally acquitted, driven into exile and forced to practise self-censorship. Whole news media are suspended or completely closed for providing platforms for anti-government stances. The persecution of individual politicians and journalists has a great negative impact on society. Access to unbiased information is impeded and the ‘Marketplace of Ideas’ destroyed. Instead of supporting a process of reconciliation, the laws are used to suppress a necessary, healthy and constructive debate on sensitive topics of the past. As a result, citizens strive to switch to other forms of conflict resolution, which ‘ironically’ means that hate speech legislation itself is misused to settle personal disputes. Rwandan hate speech legislation has itself become a tool that fuels further conflict. While the Rwandan government abuses hate speech legislation to silence its critics in order to secure its power position, the Kenyan government employs hate speech provisions to justify its surveillance of Kenyan citizens. At the same time, politicians who publicly call for displacements and violence are allowed to escape punishment in the name of cohesion." (Conclusion, page 96)
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"African autocratic regimes have fallen through opposition waged by ordinary citizens through the new platforms of mobile phones, the Internet and social media. It is not surprising therefore that autocratic African leaders and governments will want to restrict these platforms. African governments h
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ave imported sophisticated equipment to censor the Internet, social media and message systems and intercept communications from journalists, critics and activists. Some of the cyberspace censorship equipment has been imported from China, as in the case of Ethiopia and Zimbabwe (Abubkr 2014; Kabweza 2016; HRW 2016; O’Neill 2016). But equipment from western nations such as Italy, as in the case of Sudan (Abubkr 2014; Kabweza 2016; HRW 2016), and Germany and the United Kingdom, as used by Ethiopia, is also utilized by anti-democratic African governments and leaders (Clayton 2014; CPJ 2015; HRW 2016). Civil society, the media and international human rights organizations must put pressure on Chinese and western governments and companies selling cyberspace censorship equipment to African countries. In June 2016, the United Nations Human Rights Council condemned countries shutting down access to the Internet to clamp down on anti-government criticisms as a ‘violation of international human rights law’ (United Nations [UN] 2016: 1). The United Nations has rightly stressed the importance of ‘applying a comprehensive human rights-based approach when providing and expanding access to the Internet and for the Internet to be open, accessible and nurtured by multi-stakeholder participation’ (2016: 2). To boost democracy, inclusive development and peace, African regional bodies such as the African Union, and international ones such as the United Nations, must introduce stronger measures against African leaders and governments who censor social media, activists and the Internet, in order to muzzle opposition against poor democratic governance." (Conclusion, page 418)
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"Boosting health care in rural areas is a serious challenge. Involving local radio stations can help. In northern Uganda, a local FM station supports the fight against leprosy." (Introduction)