"Commercial Nationalism intervenes in discussions of the fate of nationalism and national identity by exploring the relationship between state appropriation of marketing and branding strategies on the one hand, and, on the other, the commercial mobilization of nationalist discourses. The book's uniq
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ue contribution is to consider an emerging formation characterized by the following complementary (and related) developments: the ways in which states come increasingly to rely on commercial techniques for self-promotion, diplomacy, and internal national mobilization, and also the ways in which new and legacy forms of commercial media rely on the mobilization emerging configurations of nationalism for the purpose of selling, gaining ratings, and otherwise profiting. We see this formation as a unique reconfiguration of the formation of nationalism associated with the contemporary context. Often these processes are approached separately: what is the economic role of nationalism and how do media participate in the formation of national identity?" (Publisher description)
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"The 45 country reports gathered here illustrate the link between the internet and economic, social and cultural rights (ESCRs). Some of the topics will be familiar to information and communications technology for development (ICT4D) activists: the right to health, education and culture; the socioec
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onomic empowerment of women using the internet; the inclusion of rural and indigenous communities in the information society; and the use of ICT to combat the marginalisation of local languages. Others deal with relatively new areas of exploration, such as using 3D printing technology to preserve cultural heritage, creating participatory community networks to capture an “inventory of things” that enables socioeconomic rights, crowdfunding rights, or the negative impact of algorithms on calculating social benefits. Workers’ rights receive some attention, as does the use of the internet during natural disasters. Ten thematic reports frame the country reports. These deal both with overarching concerns when it comes to ESCRs and the internet – such as institutional frameworks and policy considerations – as well as more specific issues that impact on our rights: the legal justification for online education resources, the plight of migrant domestic workers, the use of digital databases to protect traditional knowledge from biopiracy, digital archiving, and the impact of multilateral trade deals on the international human rights framework. The reports highlight the institutional and country-level possibilities and challenges that civil society faces in using the internet to enable ESCRs. They also suggest that in a number of instances, individuals, groups and communities are using the internet to enact their socioeconomic and cultural rights in the face of disinterest, inaction or censure by the state." (Back cover)
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"Given that the nature of civil society in different countries is different, and also often shifting in response to political changes, examining the relationship between civil society and media production (mainstream and alternative) in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa involves being sensitive
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to both specificity and commonality. The types of civil society organisation across these country contexts are diverse, challenging the construction of a simple definition, with different types of activism emerging across time. Even as countries make shifts towards democracy, gains can be easily lost and recouped, as Egypt has shown in recent years. Unpacking the relationship between media and political activism is also complex, given that there are a range of activisms including social and political activism which also sometimes overlap. The terrain is currently extremely dynamic: while the mainstream media may follow old routines of news gathering, and may be subjected to both state and self-censorship, the new media terrains open to possibility for dialogue and exchange, but also for the spread of dissent. New forms of activism also challenge the mainstream media routines, such that, for example, the media workers also monitor social media for story leads." (Conclusion)
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"This piece examines the historical construction of a Lusophone cultural-linguistic media space and market that spans portions of Europe, Africa, and South America. Beginning with the Portuguese colonization of Brazil and Lusophone Africa in the 17th century and continuing to the contemporary moment
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, our discussion examines how a combination of political, ideological, and economic patterns created linkages between Portugal, Brazil, and Portuguese-speaking colonies in Africa (namely Angola, Cape Verde, and Mozambique). After examining how Brazil grew to become the dominant cultural producer in this transnational matrix (most explicitly expressed through the massive exports of telenovelas and music since the late 1970s), we examine how other countries are beginning to carve out distinctive national niches, including the contemporary music scene in Cape Verde and the rise of domestically produced telenovelas in Portugal and Angola that are increasing in circulation in the contemporary transnational Lusophone media space." (Abstract)
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"The exponential diffusion of mobile phones in Africa and their ability to interact with other media have created new avenues for individuals to interface with power. These forms of engagement, however, have primarily been interpreted through the lenses of the ‘liberation technology’ agenda, whi
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ch privileges the relationship between citizens and the state, neglecting the variety of actors and networks that intervene in shaping governance processes, alongside or in competition with the state. Through an ethnography of two local radio stations in Kenya, this article offers a more realistic picture of mobile–radio interactions and their repercussions on governance. The findings illustrate that (1) while these interactive spaces are open to all listeners with access to a phone, they are in practice inhabited by small cohorts of recurrent characters often connected to existing power structures; (2) even in places where basic services are offered by actors other than the state, including non-governmental organizations and criminal networks, the state continues to represent the imagined figure to which listeners address most of their demands; (3) in contrast to the expectations that authorities will act on claims and grievances made public through the media, other factors, including ethnicity, intervene in facilitating or preventing action." (Abstract)
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"The Disaster and Emergency Preparedness Programme (DEPP), established by the Communicating with Disaster Affected Communities (CDAC) Network, focuses on establishing accountability on the part of emergency response actors in South Sudan to the affected population they serve. This baseline addresses
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the DEPP objective by investigating the information needs of the IDP community in South Sudan and the relevance, timeliness, and effectiveness of information sharing responses on the part of humanitarian agencies. To meet these objectives, Forcier Consulting designed a mixed methods study involving Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) with six Juba-based emergency response actors and a quantitative survey conducted online with 71 members of the South Sudan CwC Working Group. These studies were designed in close consultation with the CDAC Network and were conducted in November and December 2015, respectively." (Executive summary)
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"The stories in this volume were gathered as part of a Writeshop held in Nairobi on 9–10 November, in the context of the Access Agriculture Week 9–13 November, 2015. People are story-tellers as well as creatures who walk and make tools. Stories are important to us. Statistics tell us what happen
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ed; stories tell us why. These stories celebrate the creativity of the many organisations involved in making, translating, distributing, and screening videos, as well as those that do follow-up studies, especially the MSc and PhD students that Access Agriculture supports. We learn what it feels like to be involved in one of the more creative efforts in international development and communication. We read, for example, about the radio producer who began to make videos because his father, a Kenyan farmer, said that farmers wanted to see the images, as well as the words. We learn why farmers in Malawi find videos from West Africa more convincing than learning from lead farmers in their own villages. We read about the journalist in Benin who is so inspired by the videos that he has become a farmer himself. We learn what it’s like to translate a video script into an African language, and other personal experiences of getting videos and DVDs into the hands of farmers." (Foreword)
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"This guide outlines the step-by-step processes and potential challenges that may arise in setting up a Boda Boda Talk Talk (BBTT) project. In it, you will find information and advice on everything from what equipment to purchase, to how to build relationships with other humanitarian actors, to recr
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uiting staff and establishing listening groups. Given its straightforward setup, readily available equipment and relatively low cost, the BBTT model can be easily replicated and adapted to other humanitarian emergency contexts." (Page 7)
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"Internews has launched a three-part learning module on Boda Boda Talk Talk, the hyperlocal humanitarian information service currently operational in four United Nations Protection of Civilians Sites (PoCs) across the country. Part I of the module focuses on the theory and rationale behind a communi
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ty-led audio program produced to radio broadcast standards, describing how the political and humanitarian context in South Sudan—and unique local information ecosystem within the UN PoC sites—influenced BBTT’s design. Part II is a case study that describes how BBTT was designed and rolled out in Tong Ping (Juba) and Malakal/Wau Shilluk, including sections on challenges, adaptive programming, and recommendations for similar projects." (Internews website)
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"Volume 1 of the Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa is a practical guide for journalists practicing in Burundi, Eritrea and Ethiopia. The handbook not only contains a comprehensive overview of applicable media laws for each country reviewed, it also contains suggestions on possible law reforms to
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improve the protection of media in these countries." (Publisher description)
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"We report on a field experiment and a focus group interview study that examine the impact of a media-based intervention (i.e., radio drama) aimed at promoting peaceful intergroup relations in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In Study 1, we used a priming paradigm to assess the causal
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impact of the intervention among 1,522 Congolese community members in North and South Kivu. The results revealed mixed effects of the media intervention on psychological outcomes: Priming the radio drama increased inclusive victim consciousness while reducing exclusive victim consciousness and social distance. However, priming also increased support for conformity toward leaders, and reduced the belief that cross-group discussions can resolve problems in community. Findings from a follow-up focus group interview study (with 6 focus groups, N = 51) shed light on possible reasons for these mixed results. We discuss why strategies that are effective in improving intergroup relations in the aftermath of violence might not be as effective in settings of ongoing violence." (Abstract)
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"This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first de
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mocratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012 to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation [...] Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi. It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political elite in an indiscriminate manner. Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle for complete editorial independence." (Abstract)
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"This study, which seeks to contribute to the shared-body of knowledge on media and war crimes jurisprudence, gauges the impact of the media’s coverage of the Civil Defence Forces (CDF) and Charles Taylor trials conducted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) on the functionality of civil s
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ociety organizations (CSOs) in promoting transitional (post-conflict) justice and democratic legitimacy in Sierra Leone. The media’s impact is gauged by contextualizing the stimulus-response paradigm in the behavioral sciences. Thus, media contents are rationalized as stimuli and the perceptions of CSOs’ representatives on the media’s coverage of the trials are deemed to be their responses. The study adopts contents (framing) and discourse analyses and semi-structured interviews to analyse the publications of the selected media (For Di People, Standard Times and Awoko) in Sierra Leone [...] The findings, which reflected the perceptions of people from large swathe of opinions in Sierra Leone, appeared to have dovetailed with those of the CSOs’ representatives across the country. The study established that the media’s coverage of the CDF trial appeared to have been tainted with ethno-regional prejudices, and seemed to be ‘a continuation of war by other means’. However, the focus groups perceived the media reporting as having a positive effect on the pursuit of post-conflict justice, good governance and democratic accountability in Sierra Leone. The coverage of the Charles Taylor trial appeared to have been devoid of ethno-regional prejudices, but, in the view of the CSOs, seemed to have been coloured by lenses of patriotism and nationalism." (Abstract)
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"Through innovative research studies and expert commentaries, this book documents the fast evolving invention of the relationship between the millions of social media and mobile phone users around Africa and traditional purveyors of news. Whilst social media demonstrates an unprecedented ability for
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the politically engaged to both bypass and influence traditional information flows, it also faces unique circumstances through much of Africa. Signs of social change brought by mobile technology are evident around the continent, raising questions about the nature of information exchange and citizenship. Working from a wide variety of perspectives and methodologies, the contributors to this collection address key questions emerging from rapid communication change in Africa. This book reveals how new, participatory, interactive communications technologies are enabling new tellings of Africa’s stories." (Publisher description)
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"[...] the aims for embarking on this study were (a) for the researcher to understand more about the TV, it’s various genres and audiences preferences; (b) Explore the applicability of cultivation theory to an African TV audience; (c) gather data about important values and value changes, and share
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it with any interested persons; (d) use the knowledge acquired to explain the value changes taking place in Zambian society, especially Catholic youth; (e) observe the emerging social trends within Zambian society, particularly among younger people, and (f) assess the suitability of TV as a means for transmission of personal values in Zambia. The dissertation is divided into three parts: Part one presents a literature review of mass media development, the nature of values and media effects theory. The second part deals with research design and methodology. Lastly, part 3 presents the research findings." (Introduction, page 12-13)
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"Drawing from hegemonic notions of development statism, this article looks at the extent to which digital platforms have become viable alternatives to traditional electronic and print media in Ethiopia. I argue that, despite its potential to promote freedom of speech, the Ethiopian online sphere is
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systematically policed through state-sanctioned legal frameworks. Through analysis of an online survey, I also demonstrate how perceptions of users about online experiences show skepticism toward the role of the Ethiopian state in Internet monitoring." (Abstract)
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"Six in 10 respondents (62%) access news media daily. Radio remains the leading source of news but is declining in importance as television and the Internet build their audiences. A solid majority (57%) of Africans demand press freedom, endorsing the media’s right to publish what it wants without
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government interference. Africans also support an active “watchdog” role for the press: On average, 69% believe that the media should exercise this role. Similarly, a majority (64%) believe the media is effective in exposing government mistakes and corruption. More than one-third (36%) of respondents say the media “often” or “always” publishes things it knows are not true. In some countries, this perception is shared by large majorities of citizens." (Key findings, page 2)
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"This study has found that Uchaguzi represents a blended model incorporating both crowd-seeding (placing monitors on the ground to collect data) and crowd-sourcing (collecting information from the public). The success of crowd-seeding is a function of Uchaguzi’s partnerships with local and interna
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tional agencies. Overall, the blended model is quite remarkable in that it theoretically provides a robust monitoring mechanism incorporating feedback from both experts and ordinary citizens. Future projects in Kenya and other locations across the world should consider such a model." (Conclusion)
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