"The subject of this paper is communicating with indigenous communities via grassroots comics, in this case the Khwe San who live in Platfontein in the Northern Cape province of South Africa. The study is largely informed by contemporary shifts in development theory, particularly that of participato
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ry communication, which values individuals who live in the community as active participants in the research process. The use of grassroots comics is based on theoretical concepts surfacing in current literature regarding the field of development communication nd is somewhat critical of older, top-down theories of development." (Abstract)
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"This collection of essays and interviews offers perspectives on traumatic experience from the social and public side of the equation. Like other books in the Palgrave Macmillan Memory Studies Series, it is concerned with redressing the balance of public memory through a focus on what has been negle
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cted or excluded, but traumatic memory poses special problems in this regard. Andrew Hoskins and John Sutton, the series editors, suggest that the question of how we remember has become central to historical enquiry, but the question itself is fraught with complexity. Generational change and new technologies of memory are reshaping the ways in which memory works, and the influence of trauma narratives is a factor in this. They pose another question: ‘What is “memory” under such conditions?’ Here, we focus on the distance between traumatic narratives in the public domain, and the experience of traumatic recall in the mind of a person who has been directly affected by extreme events." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Assumptions about the role of call-in programmes as open spaces for pubic engagement and accountability often fail to account for the influence of existing power structures and multiple publics engaging in these programmes for a variety of reasons. Furthermore, the history of call-in programmes rev
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eals that the nature of the medium itself can restrict participation in ways that have not been considered in the literature on media and development in Africa. As this article has argued, radio call-in shows are dynamic spaces where journalists, audiences and public authorities contribute to shaping the public debate, negotiate and renegotiate their roles, and assert and transform the networks of power that link them together. While these spaces have been hailed by academics, NGOs and donors as tools to promote institutional accountability and democratic participation, our analysis shows that they do not simply offer a new platform for citizens to speak up; they also offer a way for existing power structures to reproduce themselves in new forms. This analysis has demonstrated that motivations for calling in are diverse and reflect the multiple actors who call in, many of whom are not seeking to hold authority to account but rather to build their own reputation and social capital. These radio call-in programmes can take on different forms and be influenced by different structural, political and social factors. They are also invested with different degrees of politicisation by the audience." (Conclusion, page 1521-1522)
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"This book approaches the memory sharing of groups, communities and societies as inevitable struggles over the interpretation of, and authority over, particular stories. Coming to terms with the past in memory work, alone or with others, is always unsteady ground and the activation of memory will al
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ways relay imaginations of futures we want to shape and inhabit. The contributors all explore in different ways how citizens can actualize a public and how citizens and groups struggle with their pasts and presents - and other group's understandings - in their work for futures they dream of, or envision. This implies an engagement with the notion of social justice, which in turn entails trial and revision of ideas and procedures of how to share the world. But to share also requires some kind of common ground and distributed power. The anthology thus engages with a range of cases that bring views and voices back in public, demanding justice, recognition, sometimes literally triggering new trials. Some of the memory work is done strategically, in the context of communication for development and social change interventions where NGOs, community-based organizations, governments or UN agencies pursue not just voice and views, but also very material demands for social justice and social change." (Publisher description)
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"The UCKG’s phenomenal success in post-apartheid South Africa had been a source of much speculation. Scholars generally attributed the church’s growth to new political and economic processes while the South African media and the church’s critics suspected that the UCKG’s attraction was caref
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ully manipulated by a predatory multinational business. Beyond the structural reasons why the UCKG might be attractive to South Africans, I have paid attention in this chapter to local “cultural” reasons why the church had such wide appeal. I showed that the church’s prosperity gospel and its spiritual warfare provided “answers” that were almost immediately grasped by people in search of religious efficacy. The UCKG’s “answers” were also contingent in ways that converged with local ideas about witchcraft and the flow of prosperity from the spiritual to the material world. Unlike other Christian churches then, the uckg did not offer attendees at its services an escape from the work of evil in the world. Instead, the church depicted Christians as fundamentally constrained because of their situatedness in the world and their fallibility as transactors with their spiritual benefactor. In the UCKG then, people were often told that their blessings would not materialise unless they tithed and sacrificed to God. Although this version of Christianity was arguably less poetic or hopeful than the millenarian promises of other Pentecostal Charismatic Churches, it rang true for many South Africans who remained poor, ill and unhappy despite political liberation. As one of my friends in the church remarked, “They are not new but their message is very strong.”
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"Tanzanians express near-unanimous satisfaction with the degree of freedom of expression in the country: 96% of respondents in 2014 say they feel somewhat or completely free to say what they think. Two-thirds (65%) say the media should scrutinize the government and report on corruption and mistakes.
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This is 15 percentage points lower than in 2012. Slightly more than half (53%) of respondents say the media should have the right to publish any views and ideas without government control, a decrease of 20 percentage points since 2012. During the same period, the proportion favouring government control rose from 26% to 44%. A stable majority (65% in 2014, 67% in 2012) trust in the reliability of the news media’s reports. Three-fourths (76%) of Tanzanians laud the news media’s effectiveness in exposing corruption in the government. This is 8 percentage points lower than in 2012. The more frequently a person is exposed to news and the higher his/her level of education, the more likely s/he is to support investigative and independent media reporting, to believe in the reliability of news, and to laud the effectiveness of the news media in its watchdog role." (Key findings, page 2)
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"Through an action media methodology, various participatory, grassroots, and traditional media methods, such as role plays, movie screenings, and drawing, were used with eight HIV-positive children to empower them to collectively respond to better treatment adherence. The paper demonstrates how, thr
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ough a process of participatory methodologies, the young children developed a cricital consciousness about their lived experiences and were empowered to actively participate in decision making and their right to treatment." (Abstract)
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"Mass media play an important role in explaining the issue of female genital cutting and can influence discourse among the general public as well as policy makers. Understanding how news media present female genital cutting has strong implications for the global status of women. This study, a quanti
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tative content analysis, analyzed how 15 years of newspaper coverage surrounding the launch of the Millennium Development Goals framed female genital cutting in four countries with varying prevalence levels of female genital cutting: the United States, Ghana, The Gambia, and Kenya. The study found female genital cutting is consistently portrayed as a problematic and thematic topic, largely tied to cultural rituals. However, coverage is minimal and inconsistent over time, and does not appear to be impacted by the increase in international initiatives aimed at combatting the practice." (Abstract)
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"This map shows the locations of radio stations in Liberia." (Internews website)
"The study finds that there is a general liking for Partenal Guidance (PG) ratings, based on the need to protect the children from harmful and foreign content, as well as to avoid adoption of foreign cultures. However, this does not translate into action in determining viewership decisions, with man
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y parents not able to implement PG ratings. Major gaps remain in the implementation of the PG ratings systems for the country. The understanding and use of ratings by parents, TV stations and regulators is limited, and the guideline remain difficult to use, with TV stations using them but to little impact in the audiences. The challenge is compounded by cut-throat competition by TV stations for audiences. Technology that has changed the methods of access to such content, as well as the social set up also affect the use and effectiveness of PG ratings. Achieving a change of trend requires a change in approach to child programming. This challenge is even bigger for Uganda, a country that boasts of a big young population, and an increasing affinity to watching television, whose numbers are increasing by the day. These challenges can however be addressed; and they need to be addressed. PG ratings is one acceptable way of regulating the kind of TV content that children access to make useful viewing. The study recommends that regulators need to take more responsibility and engage the TV stations as well as the public on the proper use of ratings, through engagement drives. The public, especially the parents, cannot shy away from demanding for proper ratings by the TV stations, and seeking redress for poorly rated content. One other way of resolving the debate is by improving on the availability of only-children content for educational purposes. This
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"The thesis investigates community radio as a tool for development drawing on case studies of Nkhotakota and Mzimba community radio stations in Malawi. The thesis employs communication for development and ‘another’ development theories to help understand the role of community radio in developmen
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t. The research aims are firstly, to investigate the extent and ways in which community radio is used as a tool for development through audience participation; and secondly to examine the extent to which communication for development in community radio in Malawi takes the form of participatory communication. Using the case study approach (Yin, 2009), the thesis specifically examines the functions of participation in development through community radio; whether community radio can encourage development through enhancing capabilities and participation even when people do not own and manage the stations; how radio listening Clubs (RLCs) help to expand people’s capabilities; and how the programming of community radio in Malawi is influenced by the agendas of development agencies. Arnstein’s (1969) ladder of participation and Carpentier’s (2011) minimalist and maximalist versions of participation are adopted as criteria for evaluating the different levels of participation in and through community radio." (Abstract)
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"This report examines self-regulation in challenging times. Journalism is increasingly a single stream of information disseminated simultaneously across different platforms of media, but its regulation remains dominated by old-fashioned notions of how media work. Usually there are two ways of regula
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ting journalism at national level: a voluntary system for the press and legal controls over broadcasting. These structures were created for yesterday’s media landscape and are increasingly out of date. Today’s digital journalists work on video, print and audio simultaneously. That’s why it makes sense to have only one national regulator, and one that covers all platforms of journalism. Another testing issue is the question of funding. Ideally, journalists and media should pay the bills for press councils, but in these cash-strapped days can media continue to afford it? Increasingly, the answer is no. So who will pay in future? Perhaps we should think about using public funds, after all, independent regulation of media is a public interest activity. But if we use taxpayers’ money how do we ensure it won’t compromise editorial independence? Finally, as this report shows, making self-regulation work at enterprise level is perhaps what counts most. Building trust with the audience should be an issue in every newsroom and the growth in the number of in-house ombudsmen or readers’ editors is a welcome sign that more media are taking the issue seriously. However, in the face of editorial cuts some managements still question money being channelled into cleaning up the mistakes of the newsroom. But as this report illustrates, keeping journalism honest is money well spent for media and, for the public at large, it’s a good investment in democracy." (Introduction, page v)
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"In contrast to the contemporary media perception the government aid provided to Ethiopia was pretty much existing money that was reconfigured and, despite appearances, there was no ‘new money’. The UK Government rejected any longer term ongoing engagement and was just concerned with short-term
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emergency relief, appearing to be generous in reaction to disturbing media images. Furthermore Ministers were concerned that the relief that was provided (airdrops of food by RAF planes) should garner the maximum possible domestic political benefit and reap the best political dividend vis-à-vis Cold War adversaries. It is apparent from this analysis that the ability of the media coverage to produce change in official policy and official assistance was less apparent than might first have appeared. Ultimately the impact of the coverage was far more significant upon driving public opinion and (with the advent of Band Aid) in the way it changed the nature of charitable giving and private philanthropy. So that in terms of policy effects the media on this occasion appears to have a greater effect upon the policies and institutions of the voluntary sector and NGOs. If the 1980s is considered the ‘decade of the NGO’, then the response to the media coverage of Ethiopia played a key part in this expansion. Thus, we can see that in response to the media coverage of the Ethiopian famine the ability of news coverage to push official policy was far less substantial than may have appeared at the time. When in successive academic debates the Ethiopian famine is considered historically as a case of a ‘strong CNN effect’ that is not strictly speaking true. Public policy did not shift as a result of powerful media coverage of suffering. Official humanitarian assistance was severely limited and there was no change of heart about development aid." (Conclusions)
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"This desk study was commissioned by International Media Support (IMS) for the purposes of providing information to colleagues in the media support sector and to donors so that they may be better informed when devising and deciding on appropriate intervention strategies [...] Research for this repor
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t was conducted from 15 – 23 June 2015 and was based on interviews with journalists and other actors in both Burundi and Rwanda. In addition, news and other reports were consulted." (Page 5)
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