"Since the renewed outbreak of the ongoing crisis in Burundi in May 2015, triggering a media crackdown, over one-third of the country’s reporters have gone into exile. They therefore joined an increasing number of journalists worldwide who are forced into exile. Between 2015 and 2021, many of the
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exiled Burundian journalists continued reporting for newly founded exile media in neighbouring Rwanda. Before their forced closure in 2021, these exile media had established themselves as successful outlets providing the only independent information from an otherwise blacked-out country. Based on semi-structured interviews with 10 exiled Burundian journalists conducted in Rwanda in 2020, this article exemplifies how the condition of exile impacts journalistic practice and norms, and renegotiates ideas of media professionalism. It is shown how Burundian exiled journalists display a strong personal conscience as journalists highlighting the voice of the voiceless and attempting to separate activism from their journalism. At the same time, the findings identify the main struggles of Burundian exiled journalists in maintaining operational objectivity, which depends on funding, providing balanced reporting without access to official sources and conducting verification of information in the unattainable field. These challenges are in line with the findings of several other case studies with exiled journalists from different regions. Therefore, this article complements the rapidly growing body of literature on exile journalism with a Global South perspective, which to date is not well represented on the map of exile journalism that mostly features cases of exile in the Global North. Furthermore, this article shows that situating exile experiences within existing theories and frameworks of journalism presents limits as exile journalism, as in the Burundian case, is journalism ‘in another form’ with new practices and renegotiated standards of professionalism." (Abstract)
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"This study investigates interactive forms of public communication in the Republic of Benin (West Africa) with a specific focus on the emergence of new media actors. Benin’s media landscape features a variety of media formats, which are constantly incorporating interactive elements. These developm
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ents result in novel roles for both media producers and audiences. This analysis examines communication processes in radio call-in shows on social issues in the Republic of Benin that utilize participatory media formats. The primary figures of interest in these shows are frequent callers who participate in grievance-oriented programmes. Known as ‘grogneurs’, these individuals have now established themselves as respected information brokers within the country. What factors contribute to their prominence, and what are the implications of their success for information practices in the region? This study is using ethnographic methods and examines the motives, skills, and strategies that underpin grogneurs’ information acquisition, networking, and legal protection. It also examines grogneurs’ relationships with journalists, authorities, and broader radio audiences. The article argues that, despite potential role overlap between journalists and grogneurs, both groups endeavour to maintain clear distinctions in their roles to safeguard their reputation and foster interactive media formats." (Abstract)
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"This study aims to examine the interplay between political communication and discursive practices in the emerging new media landscape after the recent political reform in Ethiopia. The study employs interpretative textual analysis in qualitative research approach to analyze political communication
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texts posted by political party leaders and activists’ official pages through Critical Discourse Analysis. By using this method, the study critically examines the recent political developments with a specific focus on: EPRDF fragmentation, disintegration of TPLF from the central government, de-facto state formation, the integration of PP into political scene, inter-party political dialogues, and election scenarios among purposely selected ethno-nationalist and unionist political party leaders and activists’ official pages. The finding of the study reveals that political actors used social media as a political communication backchannel and a counter-hegemonic space to construct their political identities and ideologies. The result further shows ethnic identity has overwhelmingly become the source of power over pan-Ethiopian nationalism identity. The politics of ethnic belongingness is found to be an emerging political communication discourse in the study. Ethnic divisions and polarized political views have been recurrently propounded among political actor’s posts in their digital media. Accordingly, accommodative discursive strategies appear to be the dominant discursive strategies utilized by unionist political actors, while ethno-nationalists employ divisive rhetorical strategies in their political communication. In this continuum, polarized political views along with ethnic-based political formations put the issue of identity in a vexed condition and the existing Ethiopian politics in a state of interregnum." (Abstract)
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"The content analysis shows that polarization is still a major problem in the reporting of religion in the Ethiopian media. Stories are often biased towards the journalist’s political and ethnic stance. Claiming that they are ’secular’, the state media (’public media’) tend to ignore impor
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tant religious issues and conflicts which have resulted in loss of lives, burning of religious buildings, and displacement of people. The media appear to be ambivalent between applying a peculiar interpretation of ’secular’ principles by ignoring religion, or deciding to report such issues. The report stresses the importance of sensitizing reporters about religious issues and making the media more ethically responsible when reporting religion." (Executive summary)
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"Despite strong international condemnation, there is growing acceptance of internet shutdowns as a legitimate response to online content that governments—particularly in Africa—find concerning. This article explores government decision- making around internet shutdowns during contentious periods
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such as elections and in situations of violent conflict. In arguing for a reading of shutdowns that goes beyond simply seeing them as a blunt tool of censorship, it discusses the underlying issues, including the vast inequalities between Big Tech companies based in the United States or China and resource- poor countries in the Global South. Building on this, the article probes the intensifying disputes around who writes the rules governing how social media companies address harmful content, how such rules are implemented, and, finally, what this means for the postcolonial state in Africa. In some contexts, a government's use of shutdowns represents an effort to reassert sovereignty amid a longstanding context of contestation around borders, power, and national identity." (Abstract)
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"This article takes a visual approach to the study of an auralmedium. It argues that the radio set had a powerful visual presence in popular culture in Southern Africa between the 1950s and the 1970s when most people bought their first radio sets. Advertisements for radios carried by the press offer
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the most prominent examples of this iconography. In South Africa, Rhodesia and Zambia, radio advertisements developed a distinctive aesthetic that blended global and local influences and framed the relationship between the new technology and society. Although the radio set was presented as part of a forward-looking, ostensibly inclusive vision of modernity, sales strategies also served to associate radio with whiteness and masculinity by looking backwards to the racial and gendered hierarchies of the colonial past. The homogeneity of advertising on both sides of the liberation divide demonstrates the pervasive cultural influence of settler colonialism both before and after formal decolonisation." (Abstract)
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"En contexte d’élections hors pair comme en 2023 en RDC, on s’attendrait à une contestation populaire des résultats. Mais le contraire s’est avéré vrai. Comment expliquer ce paradoxe ? A travers une approche herméneutique, sous-tendue par la recherche documentaire et l’observation dire
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cte, cet article démontre ce paradoxe s’explique par le fait que la CENI a bien managé avec la de communication visant l’intercompréhension à travers le two step flow of communication. En effet, au lieu de s’adresser aux contestataires de droit, les candidats, elle s’est plutôt adressée à l’opinion publique. Mais pour bien atteindre cette dernière, elle est passée par les confessions religieuses, la MOE CENCO- ECC notamment, dont elle s’est servie comme boucliers en même temps qu’elle les neutralisait à travers une subtile dynamique adaptation-résilience. Mais attention ! Certains éléments qui fondent le dialogue, à savoir la vérité : la justesse, la sincérité et la pertinence ont été bafoués. La crise reste donc latente." (Abstract)
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"The spread of mobile telephones in Africa has enabled a broad range of citizens to join live conversations on call-in radio shows. Both African governments and foreign aid agencies claim that broadcasting such debates can raise awareness, amplify the voices of the poor, and facilitate development a
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nd better governance; they now fund a large share of interactive shows in some countries. Critics of such participatory initiatives typically accept that they have powerful effects but worry that debates among citizens are deployed as a technology of “governmentality”, producing forms of popular subjectivity compatible with elitist economic systems and technocratic political regimes. This article argues that instrumentalising political debate is harder than either side assumes, and that the consequences of these shows are mainly unintended. It develops an in-depth case of a Zambian callin radio programme, “Let’s Be Responsible Citizens”, emphasising the ability of the show’s audience, and its host, to subvert the programme’s surveillance and governmentality agenda, and to insist that the key responsibilities of citizens are to criticise, rather than adapt to, policies and systems of governance that do not meet their needs." (Abstract)
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"This article explores the contribution Zambia made to the liberation struggle in South Africa by hosting the ANC’s Radio Freedom in Lusaka. It relies on a combination of archival evidence (audio and documentary sources) from both countries, and interviews conducted with the broadcasters and other
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media workers of both Radio Freedom and the Zambian national broadcaster. The article argues that Zambia offered immense support to Radio Freedom in the form of broadcasting equipment, working space and airtime on the external services of the national broadcaster. While it waxed and waned in the early years, this assistance increased considerably in the aftermath of the Soweto student uprising of 1976, which enabled the ANC to have a sonic presence among its supporters back home, where listening to this radio was illegal. The support given to Radio Freedom was not isolated but part of a wider struggle and solidarity with the liberation movements in the Southern African region fighting white minority rule. Through Radio Freedom, the ANC was able to shape the course of the unfolding struggle and internal political developments and to attain the cultural hegemony of the Charterist tradition over the Africanist and Black Consciousness camp." (Abstract)
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"A century after its appearance on the African continent, the radio set has become so ubiquitous and seemingly old-fashioned a technology that it is easily overlooked. But like the automobile - perhaps the only other late-nineteenth century invention to have had a greater impact - radio continues to
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have a profound global influence. If it tends to be outshone in the Global North by the more recent innovations of television and digital media, in the South radio continues to have a dominant presence, particularly in Africa where it retains its status as the most popular mass medium. A recent continental survey of news audiences by Afrobarometer suggested that 68% of Africans source their news from the radio on a daily or weekly basis, while only 53% get their news from the television and 37% from internet sources (Malophane 2022). Nor is the dominance of radio limited to countries that have low rates of internet access. Another recent survey found that 80% of South Africans listen to the radio at least once a week in a country where digital media attract their largest African audiences (Bosch 2022)." (Abstract)
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"This article examined the effects of digital media on radio’s role in public discourse and civic engagement in South Africa. The study combined a review of existing literature with empirical research using in-depth interviews with 10 participants that included radio producers and listeners from r
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adio stations that have Zulu as their broadcast language (five radio producers from Ukhozi FM and Gagasi FM and five listeners from Durban, South Africa). Two key questions were asked: (1) How has the growth of digital media affected radio’s traditional role as the most popular platform for public discussion and civic engagement in South Africa? and (2) How do audiences engage with radio programming that utilises digital media during its discussion programmes, and what factors influence their preferences for one platform over another regarding accessing public discourse and civic engagement? The article argues that while radio remains a dominant platform for public discourse and civic engagement in South Africa, its role has been transformed by the rise of digital media. These platforms have allowed for more civic engagement opportunities and expanded the scope and accessibility of public discourse in a country where such opportunities were once restricted. The study’s findings have important implications for radio broadcasters, policymakers, and scholars seeking to understand the changing dynamics of the public sphere in the digital age. Overall, this study highlights the importance of considering the impact of digital media on traditional media platforms such as radio, especially in countries undergoing significant political and social change." (Abstract)
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"Media organisations in radio broadcasting are gradually fine-tuning to accommodate multilingual socio-cultural identities. Africa presents unique challenges of lingual diversity which some of the media, particularly public radio have struggled to accommodate. This article advocates for multilingual
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accommodation on radio to foster more liberating and inclusive ways for multilingual speakers. It is a conceptual paper informed by the Afrikology perspective which we findmore useful in tackling African issues from a more realistic perspective. Using radio as a medium of ethnic lingualism, we argue that Africans should tackle their own multilingualism issues. We chose radio because it is the most used medium of communication in Africa, reflective of grassroots social identities. We cite cases of multilingualism in Southern Africa to propose what we refer to as multilingual accommodation in radio broadcasting. The article argues that majority languages in Africa are not monolingualism but family languages of numerous dialects reflecting the co-existence of diverse ethnolinguistics in the pre-colonial era. We define multilingualism as abilities of co-existence in African contexts and the reflection of this co-existence in radio broadcasting. By multilingual accommodation, we suggest sustenance of multilingual programmes by radio hosts, guests and participants in both minoritised and majorised indigenous languages." (Abstract)
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"The advent of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic in 2019 brought great fear of the unknown to the whole world. It therefore became very important for people and nations around the world to get the needed information on how to cope with the novel virus. Community radio broadcasting was at t
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he forefront of information dissemination and creating awareness regarding what the disease entailed and how to stay protected from it. This article examines the efforts of Forte FM community radio station in Alice as it educated and informed listeners on the ravaging pandemic. A qualitative data collection method was adopted in this study; focus group discussions and an in-depth interview were used to collect data. Data were analysed using thematic analysis. The study’s findings revealed that the station was able to create awareness of the deadly nature of the virus while also educating listeners on how to keep safe during the pandemic. The article concludes that Forte FM consistently played a pivotal role in engaging listeners on COVID-19 issues." (Abstract)
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"This study examined the effects of radio-based extension services on farmers’ adoption of organo-mineral fertilizer, biofertilizer, and manure in Lesotho using a sample of 1659 farmers extracted from the 2019/2020 agricultural production survey database Bureau of Statistics (BOS). Data were analy
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zed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 29 to analyze and compare the data collected. Descriptive statistics were computed to examine the proportion and disaggregation based on the use of radio as the main source of extension information through crosstabulation and a Probit regression analysis. The results show information types covered include agronomy, pest/disease, credit, new practice, varieties, weather, land tenure, soil conservation, and crop protection, with majority indicating radio as the source; while technologies promoted by radio are soil conservation, terraces, cover cropping, crop rotation, organomineral fertilizer, organic fertilizer, biofertilizers, manure, and improved seeds. Radio continues to play a major role in the dissemination of agricultural information and influence adoption behavior despite the multimedia approach to agricultural communication." (Abstract)
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"Tribalism is a social phenomenon polarising South Africa along ethnic lines and undermining democratic efforts for social cohesion in the newly reconfigured inclusive territorial zones. Community radio is expected to play a social cohesion role of uniting cohabiting disparate ethnic groups within t
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hese spaces by promoting multilingualism. This paper examines the role of community radio policies in promoting social cohesion within the interethnic communities of Collins Chabane Municipality in Limpopo Province, using Malamulele FM and Vuwani FM as case studies. The study is situated within the broadcasting policy perspective and adopted an analytic approach to document studies which combined elements of content analysis and thematic analysis to analyse the policies of Malamulele FM and Vuwani FM that contain detailed language policy provisions. We found that language functions ideologically in these community radio policies and regulatory models to perpetuate tribalism. The article proposes a realignment of community radio language policies and regulation towards the objective of social cohesion and an inclusive South African society by promoting multilingualism in its broadcasting, and away from its current majoritarianism model." (Abstract)
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"With the advent of social media, traditional analogue radio has converged to audio-visual with print formats. Using the case of community radio in Zimbabwe, this article explores how radio broadcasters have taken advantage of media convergence to disseminate text as implant on radio. A qualitative
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content analysis of community radio platforms on Facebook reveals that some multilingual community radio stations still maintain their local languages in written text as captions or print, although there is a tendency towards English and major indigenous language dominance. Using language revitalisation theory, we argue that merging written text with radio on social media should always maintain the distinctness of radio and text as implant that reflect the local languages of community radio stations to revitalise or strengthen indigenous languages. We find the affordances of digital connection through Facebook useful to revitalise languages which are no longer used in the everyday communication of a digital audience." (Abstract)
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"The role of media in democratic governance is pivotal, yet its impact on democratic consolidation remains debated. This study investigates the relationship between radio activism and democratic consolidation in Ghana, focusing on the influence of political news production and communication strategi
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es by radio stations. Employing a case study design and qualitative research approach, 23 informants were selected through purposive sampling for face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The findings of the study reveal that participatory and decentralized approaches to radio broadcasting, involving collaboration between radio staff and community members, enhance the conducive environment for democratic consolidation. However, challenges such as politicization and commercialization of political news content undermine public trust in radio broadcasting. The study concludes that stakeholder engagement in political news production fosters participatory communication on radio, thus contributing to democratic consolidation." (Abstract)
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