"Ghana is among Sub-Saharan Africa’s leaders in digital transformation. Over the past decade, the government has put the key institutions, legislative frameworks, strategies, and policies in place that are necessary to drive change. The Ministry of Communications and Digitalization leads and coord
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inates development and implementation of a core set of policies and strategies that are digitally transforming the government, economy, and society. The ICT for Accelerated Development (ICT4AD) Policy has guided this journey for more than a decade. A new Digital Economy Policy is drafted and under review to drive the next stage of Ghana’s digital development. The National Financial Inclusion and Development Strategy and the National Cyber Security Policy and Strategy have also been key. Ghana adopted an inclusive approach to developing its cybersecurity strategy, which contributed to improved cybersecurity capacity and considered citizens’ online safety and freedoms. However, a clear strategy for protecting critical national infrastructure is missing. Ghana has been a pioneer and champion of digital government transformation in West Africa over the past decade, with funding and support from the World Bank. Important whole-of-government platforms and services have been put in place, including the Government Wide Area Network (GWAN), which provides internet connection to more than 1,000 district assemblies, hospitals, police stations, and post offices across the country; a National Data Center; the Smart workplace suite, which includes email and productivity tools for government employees; and Ghana.gov portal, a one-stop-shop for citizen services. Still, digital government transformation is incomplete. Easy, efficient, online government services are in demand, but the Ghana.gov portal options are limited, and most major government service providers have their own separate online services portals. The national identity Ghana Card could enhance digital service delivery by providing a universally recognized, secure, and easy-to-use means of digital identification and authentication for citizens when accessing both public and private digital services, but the current identification system is not integrated with other government-operated databases, significantly reducing its many potential applications. The Regional Coordinating Councils, and metropolitan, municipal, and district assemblies (MMDAs) are just now embarking on the digital transformation journey. The Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development coordinates their efforts. Challenges for Ghana’s remaining efforts at digital government transformation include adequate funding to manage and maintain its connectivity and data center infrastructure, affordable internet for regional governments, inadequate digital literacy and skills among mid-level and regional staff, or related national training programs. A big skill gap exists in cybersecurity; Ghana faces a deficit of skilled cybersecurity professionals. The government also needs to improve efforts at stakeholder engagement and awareness-raising when developing new policy proposals." (Executive summary, pages 11-12)
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"The main conclusions drawn from the analysis of online opinions during natural disasters in Africa are highlighted below:
Climate change is one of the main concerns of the African population in recent years. This climate problem is considered to be causing more and greater natural disasters on the
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continent. Therefore, it is observed how this issue occupies most of the topics of analysis, from education, the health system or employment and economy.
Most online conversations during natural disasters (75%) share information about the natural hazard and make emergency calls for action.
In relation to employment and economy, one of the most persistent narratives is about how natural disasters affect the countryfs agriculture, one of the most emerging sectors in the continent.
Citizen concerns after a natural disaster intensify when they coincide with other health problems, as has happened in the past with Ebola, Malaria or COVID-19.
The population is particularly concerned about how natural disasters affect the most vulnerable people, such as women, children, the poorest population or minority communities such as the Ogiek in Kenya.
Between 2% and 6% of the comments generated online when a natural event occurs are questions. The topics with the highest concentration of questions are the economy and employment, education and action to help vulnerable populations.
By analyzing the online conversations during some past natural disasters, it has been possible to understand how these conversations are configured when an event occurs. By monitoring certain topics such as health or education, the order of concerns of the population can be understood at all times and how this evolves over time. At the same time, identifying specific questions around the different topics and countries, it helps to understand the main concerns or needs from the citizens when a natural hazard occurs. In addition, using the top keywords, you can identify what the population is talking about to a greater extent. This, together with the identification of qualitative insights, can gain a better understanding of citizen concerns and identify possible areas for action." (Conclusions)
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"Two years in the making, this report unfolds regional perspectives of new forms of funding, financing and investment for public interest media. It provides a multistakeholder reflection in four regions of the world on how public interest media can best be supported over the next decade. Through con
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textualised research, it offers insights into the funding landscape including opportunities, needs, challenges, gaps and recommendations. The question is not whether interventions are needed to tackle the economic crisis facing journalism, but how this support should be structured. The report sheds new light on what it will take to deliver sustainable and independent media that truly deliver journalism that is a public good." (Summary)
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"Concerns about the disproportionate levels of online gender-based abuse experienced by female journalists when compared to their male counterparts have attracted sizeable scholarly attention in the last few years. Extant studies have highlighted that female journalists experience online forms of ha
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rassment such as name calling, body shaming, trolling, verbal abuse, sextortion, non-consensual sharing of intimate images, manipulation of photos, cyberstalking, doxing, hacking, receiving unwanted, offensive sexually explicit emails or messages, and inappropriate advances on social media platforms, in the line of duty. Although these findings are true in some of the newsrooms in the global North, there is a disconcerting absence of systematic studies looking at the experiences of female journalists in selected newsrooms in Africa in general and Namibia in particular. This article seeks to fill this lacuna by empirically investigating the extent to which online gender-based violence is deep-seated social problem in selected Namibian newsrooms. It deploys the intersectional approach to analyze the online gender-based violence experienced by female journalists in Namibia. Drawing our data from interviews with female journalists in selected Namibian newsrooms, overall, our findings suggest that cases of online gender-based violence against female journalists are still negligible when compared to other contexts, it is happening, nonetheless. This emerging phenomenon is largely underreported. Furthermore, it is occurring in an environment devoid of legislative, institutional, and newsroom-specific mechanisms aimed at ensuring the safety of female journalists. Namibian female journalists are facing unique online gender-based violence, which contributes immensely towards self-censorship and retreating from the public sphere." (Abstract)
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"Kwizera" means hope. Since 2020, DW Akademie has been supporting a radio station of the same name in northwestern Tanzania. It provides vital information to refugees and the surrounding communities." (Introduction)
"Reporting on cases of genocide presents distinct complexities and challenges for journalists, who must negotiate practical, professional, and emotional experiences that challenge traditional expectations of their role. Previous research has provided strident critiques of this reporting, arguing Wes
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tern reporting of genocide in Rwanda and Srebrenica was reductionist and biased and contributed to the lack of Western intervention. Drawing on 22 interviews with print journalists who reported on genocides in Rwanda and Srebrenica, this article challenges this dominant critique by foregrounding the voices of journalists and their experience of reporting. Themes of inaccessibility, the moral imperative to report on these events, and the intersection with emotional labour on emotional effects of this reporting crucially demonstrates and acknowledges the challenges of conflict reporting. This adds to contemporary debates around how emotion, attachment and morality intertwine in journalism practice and the importance of this consideration when assessing the impact of reporting." (Abstract)
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"Ethiopia has been in a new transition since 2018 which resulted in changes in political arenas. In this period, the country has also been experiencing internal conflict and political instabilities. This article assesses how the political environment is convenient for the journalists to freely repor
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t stories, and how journalists practice their professional roles which have not yet studied. The article used both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The qualitative data was collected through in-depth interviews with key media practitioners. The quantitative data was collected through a self-administered questionnaire from selected 164 journalists from the public, and private media in the country. The result shows journalists’ freedom and practicing their profession in reporting stories from different views in the current unstable situation in the country are highly challenged. Among the respondents, more than 65% confirmed that they are not free to report stories; 95% of the sampled journalists either self-censor or ignore stories about conflicts and other critical issues in the country. The journalists are highly pressurized by the government and other actors who have ardent interest in controlling media to propagate their agenda and in silencing the critical voices. This put journalists to stack between a rock and a hard." (Abstract)
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"Online harassment of journalists is increasingly becoming a global phenomenon. Many attempts have been made to investigate the prevalence of the phenomenon. Unfortunately, findings prove that online harassment of journalists is indeed on the rise. What is lacking, so far, in the literature is an in
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quiry conducted from the perspective of journalists on why they are targeted. This study attempts to shine a light on this question. This we did by examining Nigerian journalists’ perceived motivations for the online harassment that they experience and their suggested ways of controlling the phenomenon. Through online and face-to-face semistructured interviews of 30 journalists in Nigeria, we show that journalists in Nigeria believe that audience perceived journalistic wrongdoing and unethical behaviour, and polarization of politics in Nigeria are the chief reasons their audience harass them online. We further uncover that journalists suggested preventative measures, such as media sensitization campaigns about online harassment and political polarization, procedural, and prosecutorial measures such as improved security, ensuring adequate punishment for offenders, provision of security and enacting safety laws for journalists as avenues through which online harassment of journalists can be controlled. We then delineate the practical implications of the study." (Abstract)
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"China in Africa’ has become an irresistible topic in any discussion of China, with the former’s growing engagement with the latter. The unprecedented popularity of Wolf Warrior II in China, which is set in Africa, is a testament to how official propaganda of national selfconfidence can be affir
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med by the public in the form of pop culture. The film’s controversial and stereotypical portrayal of Africa and its deliberate imitation of the Hollywood genre are the reasons for its attention among different groups. To date, however, feedback from international audiences, both in terms of common feelings and conflicting opinions, has remained under-researched. In order to provide an exploratory study on how Wolf Warrior II is interpreted by Chinese and African audiences in different cultural and social contexts, a comparative analysis of the film’s reception among Chinese and African post-secondary students in different countries was conducted. Ten focus groups were organised, five in mainland China and five in Canada, with a total of thirty-one college students from China and Africa participating. The results showed that Chinese and African audiences have vastly different or even opposing understandings of the ‘China in Africa’ discourse presented in the film. This seems to reflect a problematic but under-addressed aspect of the China-Africa relationship." (Abstract)
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"China’s extensive media presence in Africa aims to distinguish itself through the use of constructive journalism in contrast with the perceived dominance of conflict journalism by Western media outlets. However, many scholars have raised questions of consistency surrounding Chinese media’s use
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of constructive journalism in representing Africa (e.g. Marsh, 2016). With perspectives from Galtung’s (1987, p. 1998) conflict and peace journalism, this research applies Critical Discourse Analysis to examine Chinese media’s representation of Africa to an international audience. Using linguistic data from China Radio International’s Today, it challenges the distinctions among peace journalism, solutions journalism and constructive journalism. The findings show that China’s claim of constructive journalism strongly favors the coverage of China, yet is largely absent in the coverage of the African continent. It suggests that while Chinese state-sponsored media utilizes the so-called constructive journalism when presenting information about a specific region to that region, these representations are not consistent across their international coverage. Hence, Africa remains a victim of conflict journalism." (Abstract)
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"This book addresses the issues raised by digital platforms in the Global South, with an emphasis on the cultural stakes involved. It brings together an interdisciplinary team of researchers - including political economists, socio-economists, geographers, media sociologists or anthropologists - who
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each explore these issues through an insightful case study at a local, national, regional or international scale. While studying the strategies of some of the main US-based Big Tech platforms or video streaming platforms towards the Global South, the chapters also consider the often-neglected active role local or regional actors play in the expansion of those Western digital players, and highlight the existence of a constellation of local or regional platforms that have emerged in Africa, Asia, Latin America or the Middle East. In addition to analysing the complex relationships of competition, collaboration or dependence between these diverse actors, this volume examines the ways in which the rise of these digital platforms has generated new forms of cultural entrepreneurship and participated in the reconfiguring of the conditions in which cultural contents are produced and circulated in the Global South." (Publisher description)
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"This study examines the external influences that shape NGO-produced news content concerning humanitarian crises in East, West and Central Africa. Employing a thematic analysis of semi-structured in-depth interviews with humanitarian communicators and a content analysis of the humanitarian press rel
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eases of four major NGOs, it seeks to establish the types of content NGO communications staff consider most effective for achieving mainstream media coverage, how they access such content, and any forces influencing their eventual production of news. In line with notions of media logic (Altheide and Snow 1979; Cottle and Nolan 2007) and news cloning (Fenton 2010), it uncovers a reliance on hard-hitting humanitarian statistics and powerful first-person testimonies, which are considered essential for achieving news coverage. Statistics are found to be most often sourced from publicly available humanitarian datasets, often managed by the United Nations, and are considered susceptible to politicisation by authorities implicated in certain crises. First-person testimonies are usually gathered in-person by NGO staff and are affected by issues of physical access to crisis zones including monitoring by local authorities and demands for media sign-off. Additionally, a humanitarian NGO’s decision on whether to speak out publicly about a crisis is found to be often weighed up against threats to staff and programme safety. Examining these issues through a lens of agenda building theory (Cobb and Elder 1971), this study introduces the concept of agenda erosion, describing the phenomenon by which powerful actors, including host authorities and western governmental and intergovernmental donors, exert influence to undermine agenda building activities by NGOs in the context of humanitarian crises. Methods of agenda erosion might include demanding sign-off of media content, the control of physical access to crisis zones for communications staff, and the politicisation of humanitarian data. Unlike the traditional view of NGOs being producers of information subsidies (Gandy 1982), this concept recognises that, as news producers, NGOs also accept information subsidies, including humanitarian data, from other actors. These subsidies are used by NGOs to increase their own agenda building effectiveness but can also allow other, potentially conflicting, priorities to influence the media agenda too.
NGOs are now widely regarded as important players in the production of international news (Cottle and Nolan, 2007; Cooper, 2011; Powers 2018) and these findings suggest agenda erosion is in-part responsible for the continuing adherence of aid organisations to established patterns of news construction (Cottle & Nolan 2007; Fenton 2010; Waisbord 2011; Powers 2018). Only crises with hard-hitting data or emotive personal stories are likely to achieve mainstream media coverage but exposure to such sources is often closely guarded by the most powerful actors in certain crises. As a result, some crises continue to go underreported and NGOs risk being silenced or, worse, used as proxy mouthpieces by powers implicated in the humanitarian context to which they are attempting to respond." (Abstract)
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"When Hallin and Mancini (2004) produced their watershed three models theory, South Africa was a new democracy barely a decade old. Even then, along with other countries of the Global South, the experience of a young democracy posed certain critical challenges to Hallin and Mancini's understanding o
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f the way that media and politics interrelate. Two decades later, South Africa has continued to change. There has been increased diversity in media ownership, rapid growth in community and social media, digital disruption, and significant challenges to media freedom. How does the three models theory stack up now? This article reviews scholarly critiques of Hallin and Mancini's model, including their follow-up work, Comparing Media Systems Beyond the Western World (2012), and assesses to what extent the three models is still a valid approach to understanding the connection between media and politics in the Global South. The article concludes by evaluating Hadland's (2012) Africanisation of the model in light of the complex postcolonial trajectories of South Africa, suggesting that this, along with Hallin et al.'s (2021) expanded hybridisation model, still offers a better set of variables with which to understand how the media and political systems intertwine in the postcolony." (Abstract)
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"This study uses a randomised experiment targeting wheat producers in Ethiopia to examine the impact of providing market price information through Facebook on farmers’ sales behaviour. To identify the effect of informant homogeneity, we distinguished the informants’ nationality as either Ethiopi
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an or foreign. Our findings reveal that when wheat selling prices were provided immediately after the harvest – when prices are typically at their lowest – only the information provided by Ethiopian informants led to a reduction in sales decisions and sales volume during that period. This information did not affect selling prices during the lowprice period. However, analysis of data collected six months post-harvest shows that the selling price of wheat increased by approximately 14% due to information from Ethiopian informants. This suggests that farmers used the price information to delay sales until prices were higher, rather than negotiating with traders during the low-price period. Additionally, our heterogeneity analysis reveals that older, poorer, more socially isolated, and female farmers benefited more from domestic informant information, likely due to their previously limited access to information. These findings demonstrate the potential of social media for efficiently disseminating price information and highlight the importance of informant homogeneity in the effectiveness of such interventions." (Abstract)
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