"Today, extended geographical links are the most important yet far from the only factor that makes Central Eurasia highly significant for China's conceptualization of its security. The Soviet Union's disintegration, which created newly independent states, also generated favorable conditions for Chin
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a's progress toward the superpower status. At the same time, Central Eurasia, or rather the advent of anarchy across its political space and the rising ethnoterritorial problems which might well affect China's northwestern regions, called for fresh approaches to the area. By the same token, its geopolitical importance for China's relations with its main rivals at the supra-regional level was exacerbated created newly independent states, also generated favorable conditions for China's progress toward the superpower status. At the same time, Central Eurasia, or rather the advent of anarchy across its political space and the rising ethnoterritorial problems which might well affect China's northwestern regions, called for fresh approaches to the area. By the same token, its geopolitical importance for China's relations with its main rivals at the supra-regional level was exacerbated: In these conditions, China should become more actively involved in the Central Eurasian space freed from Soviet domination, which means that it should join the current rivalry for geopolitical control over the vast area. In this article I want to look at the security interests which form the cornerstone of Chinese policy in Central Eurasia, identify the geopolitical importance of this area for China, and trace the tactical specifics of China's regional policies." (Introduction)
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"There are many examples in Nepal of radio programs helping in peace building. A few of these examples are included in this book. The personal stories of the radio producers are as interesting and inspiring as the examples of positive impacts their radio programs had in their societies. Success stor
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ies like these boost our confidence with working in peace building." (Publisher's Note, page 1)
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"This is a compilation of 13 essays and studies that show the role social networking is playing in political communication in Asia. Each of the 13 chapters describes how various online social communities and networks such as Twitter, Facebook and blogs, are being used as tools in general political c
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ommunication in Asian countries — both in an active and passive way. This book talks about presidents, prime ministers and politicians, and their first steps with Facebook and Twitter, and about the politically motivated bloggers who take personal risks to expose their opinions to a wider audience. On the other hand, 'Social Media and Politics' shows the impact that politics can have on social network users and how social media has become the information source of choice for journalists and voters." (Back cover)
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"Die türkischstämmigen Migranten neigen im Vergleich mit anderen Herkunftsgruppen am stärksten zur Nutzung muttersprachiger Medien. Für sie gibt es auch das größte entsprechende Angebot, besonders bei Fernsehen und Printmedien. Hingegen scheinen insbesondere Migranten aus dem ehemaligen Jugosl
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awien und aus Polen eine Affinität zu deutschsprachigen Medien zu haben. Allgemein ist jedoch die komplementäre Nutzung deutscher und muttersprachiger Medien verbreitet. Jüngere, in Deutschland geborene und besser gebildete Migranten mit guten deutschen Sprachkenntnissen neigen besonders stark zu diesem Muster oder sogar zur ausschließlichen Nutzung deutscher Medien. Demgegenüber nutzen ältere Migranten, im Ausland geborene Personen und solche mit geringerem Bildungsgrad häufiger Medienangebote in der Muttersprache. Deutsche und muttersprachige Medien haben unterschiedliche Funktionen, was am Beispiel des deutschen und türkischen Fernsehens deutlich wird: Deutsches Fernsehen wird vorwiegend zur Information genutzt, es wird als sachlich und kühl, aber auch als vertrauenswürdig empfunden. Türkisches Fernsehen hingegen dient eher Unterhaltungszwecken, aber auch der Information über Geschehnisse in der Türkei. Zudem hat es stärker soziale und emotionale Funktionen („Familienfernsehen“) und dient als Brücke zum Herkunftsland, wodurch es auch für die jüngere Generation attraktiv bleibt." (Zentrale Ergebnisse, Seite 5)
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"Leading researchers from different regions of Europe and the United States address five major interrelated themes: 1) how ideological and normative constructs gave way to empirical systematic comparative work in media research; 2) the role of foreign media groups in post-communist regions and the e
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ffects of ownership in terms of impacts on media freedom; 3) the various dimensions of the relationship between mass media and political systems in a comparative perspective; 4) professionalization of journalism in different political cultures—autonomy of journalists, professional norms and practices, political instrumentalization and the commercialization of the media; 5) the role of state intervention in media systems." (Publisher description)
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"Since the 1990s journalism education programs have expanded exponentially around the world, but media freedom has not. Globally comparative, this edited volume assesses journalism education and the challenging environment in which it is delivered in countries with a partly free or not free status a
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ccording to global press freedom. The countries covered include China, Singapore, Cambodia, Palestine, Oman, Egypt, Kenya, Tanzania, Brazil, Russia, Romania, and Croatia. Contributors demonstrate through careful analysis that wealthy nations are able to set the terms of their journalism education while less affluent countries are more open to the influence of foreign NGOs. Although this book evidences the disconnection between what is taught and what can be practiced, it also illustrates the degree to which journalism education can be an agent of change." (Publisher description)
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"Disclosure laws for politicians exist in over a hundred countries. But can disclosures about politician performance and qualifications influence electoral accountability in settings characterized by weak institutions and less educated populations? In the run-up to elections in Delhi we implemented
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a field experiment where we provided slum dwellers with newspapers containing report cards with information on candidate qualifications and legislator performance obtained under India’s disclosure laws. We observe striking changes along three dimensions. Access to report cards increased voter turnout, reduced the incidence of cash-based vote buying and caused electoral gains for better performing incumbents. The turnout effects are more pronounced in more competitive jurisdictions and when the incumbent is a worse performer. We also observe significant voter sophistication – voters make comparisons across candidates to overcome political agency problems and reward better performing incumbents." (Abstract)
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