"Since Turkey became a candidate for the European Union in 1999, democratic rights and freedom of expression have been key issues in discourses surrounding EU—Turkey relations. Discussions on these questions often centre on state censorship and legislative constraints. The role of the media themse
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lves, however, and the deeply-ingrained elements and historically-contingent norms and practices within public culture that shape the public sphere, have received a significantly lower level of attention. Despite recent legislative changes towards greater freedom of expression, major hurdles that limit democratic rights and freedoms persist in practice, as highlighted by the judicial trial (and the subsequent murder in January 2007) of the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink. The police raid of Nokta magazine in 2007 is another case in point. The purpose of this article is to discuss current questions related with freedom of expression and tolerance of diversity in the Turkish media based on in-depth interviews with journalists and with the Dink and Nokta cases as examples; and to offer critical reflections on the public sphere in Turkey in its current state." (Abstract)
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"This study provides an overview of the broadcasting environment in the ten countries covered, with a focus on regulatory systems. It outlines the constitutional framework in each country, as well as the status of international law. This is followed by a brief outline of the broadcasting sector in e
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ach country, to provide some background context to help with understanding the regulatory regime. The bulk of the study focuses on the legal framework governing public broadcasting, and the broadcast regulator and its powers and role. The study also touches on new media, particularly the internet, in each country, assessing the extent to which new media are able to serve as an alternative to more traditional broadcasters." (Introduction, page 6)
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"In the past few years China has rapidly become an important player in the media sector in many African countries in at least three ways. First, its economic success and the impressive growth of media outlets and users within China have quietly promoted an example of how the media can be deployed wi
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thin the larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. It has shown that heavy investments in media and information and communication technologies can go hand-in-hand with a tight control over them, posing a lesser challenge to local governments and to political stability. Second, the Chinese government, and its associated companies, have enhanced their direct involvement in the telecommunication and media markets in Africa. Chinese companies have started winning large bids on the continent, as exemplified by the 1.7 billion dollars project won by the Chinese telecom giant ZTE to overhaul Ethiopia's telecommunication system. At the same time, the Chinese government has provided significant support to state broadcasters in selected countries, such as Kenya and Zambia. Third, China's public diplomacy strategy has been stepped up through expanding the reach and content of its international broadcasters including China Central Television-CCTV and China Radio International-CRI. There has also been a heavy investment in the growth of the government news agency, Xinhua. Cultural diplomacy has been growing through the continued establishment of Confucius institutes. And programmes that offer scholarships for foreign students and journalists to study in China have been expanded." (Executive summary)
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"Around the developing world, political leaders face a dilemma: the very information and communication technologies that boost economic fortunes also undermine power structures. Globally, one in ten internet users is a Muslim living in a populous Muslim community. In these countries, young people ar
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e developing their political identities—including a transnational Muslim identity—online. In countries where political parties are illegal, the internet is the only infrastructure for democratic discourse. In others, digital technologies such as mobile phones and the internet have given key actors an information infrastructure that is independent of the state. And in countries with large Muslim communities, mobile phones and the internet are helping civil society build systems of political communication independent of the state and beyond easy manipulation by cultural or religious elites. This book looks at the role that communications technologies play in advancing democratic transitions in Muslim countries. As such, its central question is whether technology holds the potential to substantially enhance democracy. Certainly, no democratic transition has occurred solely because of the internet. But, as the book argues, no democratic transition can occur today without the internet. According to this book, the major (and perhaps only meaningful) forum for civic debate in most Muslim countries today is online. Activists both within diasporic communities and within authoritarian states—including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan—are the drivers of this debate, which centers around issues such as the interpretation of Islamic texts, gender roles, and security issues. Drawing upon material from interviews with telecommunications policy makers and activists in Azerbaijan, Egypt, Tajikistan, and Tanzania and a comparative study of seventy-four countries with large Muslim populations, this book demonstrates that these forums have been the means to organize activist movements that have lead to successful democratic insurgencies." (Publisher description)
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"This article argues that Johan Galtung’s theory on peace journalism can serve as a fruitful supplement to theory-building in the field of war and peace journalism, and critically reviews the scholarly debate on peace journalism. By using examples from Norwegian media coverage of the war in Afghan
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istan and examples of research on the Norwegian media coverage of the war, the author argues that Galtung’s theory on peace journalism can also serve as a useful platform for teaching and journalism training in the field of conflict and war reporting." (Abstract)
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"As ACCU decided to conclude its programmes in book development in the fiscal year of 2009, “ACCU Experts Meeting on Book Development and Reading promotion in Asia and the Pacific” was held from 8 to 10 December 2009 in Tokyo, Japan. 20 experts and officials from the field of book development an
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d reading promotion, who closely worked with ACCU participated from 18 countries in Asia and the Pacific. The participants shared the current situation of the book development and reading promotion in their countries and how ACCU’s such activities contributed to their countries and in the region. On the third day of the Meeting, Culture Division and Education Division together held the Symposium “Asia-Pacific Regional Cooperation for the Promotion of Culture and Education” inviting 63 experts and government officials in book development and non-formal education gathered from 24 countries." (ACCU website, 23/2/2011)
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"Peace Journalism, War and Conflict Resolution draws together the work of over twenty leading international writers, journalists, theorists and campaigners in the field of peace journalism. Mainstream media tend to promote the interests of the military and governments in their coverage of warfare. T
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his major new text aims to provide a definitive, up-to-date, critical, engaging and accessible overview exploring the role of the media in conflict resolution. Sections focus in detail on theory, international practice, and critiques of mainstream media performance from a peace perspective; countries discussed include the U.S., U.K., Germany, Cyprus, Sweden, Canada, India, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea and the Philippines. Chapters examine a wide variety of issues including mainstream newspapers, indigenous media, blogs and radical alternative websites." (Publisher description)
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"El estudio de los medios públicos desde la doble perspectiva jurídica y de análisis de desempeño constituye una iniciativa inédita y necesaria. Lo consideramos así porque no hay todavía distinciones conceptuales claras entre lo que son medios públicos, medios de servicio público y medios g
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ubernamentales, ni entre interés público y servicio público, por poner algunos ejemplos. Ha faltado en este sentido una mirada rigurosa de los preceptos normativos que dan rostro y sentido a lo que deben ser los medios públicos, y a la vez un análisis basado en datos objetivos sobre el comportamiento de nuestros medios gubernamentales federales." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"This book explores the journalism coming out of the Afghan war from the frontline and from the greater comfort of the library. It is an unusual hybrid: the testimony of some of the best frontline correspondents of our era, much of it placed in appropriate historical contexts, alongside detailed aca
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demic analysis – and much more. It ranges from the poppy fields of Helmand province to New York via the Iraq War and the modern rebirth of “embedding”. It mixes action, reflection and analysis and focuses on some of under-reported groups such as women and the humanitarian effort in Afghanistan.
It has its origin in a conference in Coventry in March 2010 put on as part of the university’s Coventry Conversations series (with financial support from the Pro Vice-Chancellor and the Dean of Business) in conjunction with the BBC College of Journalism and journalism.co.uk (the website forum for digitally active journalists). All of that conference can be seen and heard on bbc.co.uk/journalism and Coventry.ac.uk/itunesu. Many of the contributors to this book took part in that conference though some extra pieces have been specially commissioned. The war in Afghanistan will soon be coming up to its tenth anniversary.
Operation Enduring Freedom started on 7 October 2001 as a response to the 9/11 al-Qaeda attacks on the Twin Towers in New York. Freedom in Afghanistan has far from endured in that decade. There are today 100,000-plus US troops, 10,000-plus British troops and 17,000 from ISAF allies – including Germany, France, Italy, Poland and Canada.
US intelligence admit that there are now fewer than 100 al-Qaeda (the reason for invading in the first place) fighters left in the country and that the Taliban could fight on for ever. British Prime Minister David Cameron told the House of Commons on 14 June 2010 after his return from his first official visit to Afghanistan that it was only the presence of the ISAF troops that kept al-Qaeda from returning to Afghanistan in numbers. The West is fighting a phantom and desperately searching for an exit strategy. The trouble is they will leave behind an Afghan government scarred by illegitimacy, corruption and more. The Killing Fields will continue for a while yet. Journalism has escaped comparatively lightly – just nine Western journalists killed in Afghanistan since 2001.
Like all big stories, this war has attracted the cream of British journalistic talent especially the broadcast reporters. TV awards have been won on the field of battle by the new Brahmins – the war corrs parachuted in and out of Helmand. The idea for the conference and for the book took hold when I judged the Royal Television Society News Programme of the Year Awards for 2009. All entries featured front line action from their stars. Many of them have contributed to this book." (Pages 3-4)
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"The very violent political crisis that convulsed Thailand in April and May 2010 had a dramatic impact on the safety of journalists and media freedom. The toll was heavy: two foreign journalists were among the 90 people killed, ten other journalists were wounded (some sustaining injuries from which
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they will never fully recover) and there was a wave of censorship and intimidation without precedent since the 1990s." (Introduction)
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"Das chinesische Festland zählte im Sommer 2009 338 Millionen Internetanwender. Dies bezieht sich auf diejenigen „User", die über sechs Jahre alt sind und sich in den letzten sechs Monaten im Internet einloggten. Das übertrifft die 312 Millionen „Worldwideweb"-Nutzer der Europäischen Union u
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nd sogar die 253 Millionen Netizens in Nord-Amerika. Die 10- bis 29-Jährigen stellen – wie in den Vorjahren – den größten Anwenderanteil. Trotz des Anstiegs der „User" in der Altersgruppe 30 bis 39 Jahre bleibt die chinesische Internetpopulation jugendlich. Analysiert man den Berufshintergrund der Netzgemeinde, steht die Gruppe der Studenten mit 32 Prozent an erster Stelle, gefolgt von Angestellten (14 Prozent) und Arbeitslosen (sieben Prozent). Die 70-prozentige Mehrheit der Internetpopulation ist in der Stadt zu Hause; die Anzahl der Internetnutzer auf dem Land nimmt – nicht zuletzt dank finanzieller und infrastruktureller Anstrengungen der Regierung – stetig zu. Den 747 Millionen chinesischen Mobiltelefonbesitzern3 ist es möglich, das Internet mobil anzuwählen; rund 155 Millionen Nutzer machen von diesem Service Gebrauch.4 Diese Zahlen dürfen nicht darüber hinwegtäuschen, dass die Penetrationsrate des Internets innerhalb der chinesischen Bevölkerung, verglichen mit den entwickelten Teilen der Welt, weiterhin niedrig ist. (China: 27 Prozent, Deutschland: 66 Prozent, EU: 64 Prozent).5 Dem Großteil der chinesischen Internetgemeinschaft dient das Internet als Unterhaltungsmittel (Online Spiele, Musik, Videos). Das „Worldwideweb" wird außerdem für die Informationssuche genutzt und erfreut sich als Kommunikationswerkzeug großer Beliebtheit." (Seite 90-91)
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"The Media Development Assessment 2010 is an evaluation of the rapidly changing media climate in Bhutan. The study, based on the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) media development indicators (MDIs), is the first of its kind to be conducted in the country. Thi
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s assessment of MDIs provides analysis of the media and communications environment in Bhutan against internationally accepted standards and principles. The indicators delineate critical areas of media development, ranging from freedom of expression and diversity of media to professional and infrastructural capacities of the media industry." (Executive summary, page xi)
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"For almost twenty years, United Nations peacekeeping missions have set up local radio stations in conflict-prone countries - 14 to date, seven of which remain in operation. According to this report, some of the fourteen peacekeeping radio stations implemented by the United Nations contributed more
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to democratisation and media development in certain post-conflict countries than any other media assistance programmes. Surveys have confirmed their popularity and credibility with national audiences, and local journalists have lauded their contributions to media diversity and journalism standards. Nevertheless, Bill Orme states that the UN radios were created without long-term planning. Upon disappearance of UN peacekeeping missions the stations were simply closed, therefore losing their positive effects on democratisation and plurality. Only in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Radio Okapi) were there serious attempts to continue the stations after the exit of the UN missions. Based on detailed description and analysis of the different experiences, Orme formulates a number of policy steps that would help UN radios to become lasting contributions to press freedom and peacekeeping." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"Since Turkey became a candidate for the European Union in 1999, democratic rights and freedom of expression have been key issues in discourses surrounding EU—Turkey relations. Discussions on these questions often centre on state censorship and legislative constraints. The role of the media themse
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lves, however, and the deeply-ingrained elements and historically-contingent norms and practices within public culture that shape the public sphere, have received a significantly lower level of attention. Despite recent legislative changes towards greater freedom of expression, major hurdles that limit democratic rights and freedoms persist in practice, as highlighted by the judicial trial (and the subsequent murder in January 2007) of the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink. The police raid of Nokta magazine in 2007 is another case in point. The purpose of this article is to discuss current questions related with freedom of expression and tolerance of diversity in the Turkish media based on in-depth interviews with journalists and with the Dink and Nokta cases as examples; and to offer critical reflections on the public sphere in Turkey in its current state." (Abstract)
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