"The first major collection of its kind published in the COVID-19 era, this unique volume frames a wide range of issues relevant to the gender and communication agenda within a human rights framework. An international panel of feminist academics and activists examines how media, information, and com
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munication systems contribute to enabling, ignoring, questioning, or denying women's human and communication rights. Divided into four parts, the Handbook covers governance and policy, systems and institutions, advocacy and activism, and content, rights, and freedoms. Throughout the text, the contributors demonstrate the need for strong feminist critiques of exclusionary power structures, highlight new opportunities and challenges in promoting change, illustrate both the risks and rewards associated with digital communication, and much more." (Publisher description)
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"Wie einst im ursprünglichen Gothic die verlassenen Schlösser des Feudalismus als Orte des Spuks in die bürgerliche Ära hineinragten, so sind es heute die globalen Ruinen des geplatzten Traums von Freiheit, Gleichheit und Brüderlichkeit, in denen das Grauen haust: Von den vom Immobiliencrash ge
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zeichneten Vororten Detroits (Barbarian, 2022) bis zu den bleivergifteten Ufern des Riachuelo in Buenos Aires. Das sind düstere Aussichten: Eine Vergangenheit, die, wie Marx schrieb, »wie ein Alp auf dem Gehirne der Lebenden« lastet und eine Zukunft, in der wir, wie David Cronenberg zeigt, Plastik fressen müssen (Crimes of the Future, 2022). Der »Train to Busan« (2016) rast mit Hochgeschwindigkeit, doch auch am Zielbahnhof lauern die Zombies – und weil jede*r um das eigene Überleben kämpft, liegt der Griff nach der Notbremse fern. Da wird es unheimlich, oder im Sinne der Wortbedeutung: un-heimelig. Den das Un-heimliche verweist gerade auch auf den Schrecken, der hinter dem Vertrauten lauert. Und weil auf den Schrecken der Normalität zu verweisen immer schon Anliegen der iz3w ist, proklamieren wir: Gespenster aller Länder, vereinigt euch! Die Frage, was Horror und Gesellschafskritik verbindet, vertieft im Einleitungsartikel Georg Seeßlen (Seite 23). Danach bleiben wir dem globalen Spuk anhand ausgewählter Beispiele auf der Spur: Wie die argentinische Literatur Horrormotive nutzt, um die Schrecken von Diktatur und Postdiktatur auszudrücken, zeigt Nikolas Grimm (Seite 26). Dass sich realer und fiktiver Schrecken oft in nichts nachstehen, betont Rosaly Magg am Beispiel vom Horror der Flucht und Migration (Seite 36). Dazu gibt es zwei schaurige Interviews: mit dem Autor Mark H. Harris über Horror und Rassismus in den USA (Seite 32); und was Dracula in Istanbul treibt, erklärt uns der Regisseur Cem Kaya (Seite 40)." (Editorial, Seite 22)
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"Democracies must say no to the technologies, platforms, standards, and frameworks shrewdly proposed by China in various international fora and technical or standards bodies in order to make our Internet more like the one in China. Internet governance must be kept open and participatory for all stak
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eholders, not just governments. Research into and the development of privacy-preserving and anti-censorship technologies must be supported. A vision for a free and open global Internet must be integrated into future foreign policy formulation, not only because it should be, but also because China has already begun to integrate its own contrary vision." (Executive summary)
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"In an examination of development issues appearing in the highest circulated mainstream English daily newspaper in Bangladesh— the Daily Star (DS)— this study discursively argues that this newspaper provided much less attention and even remained silent on development issues related to education
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and agriculture that are of close concern to underprivileged people. The newspaper's silence and inconsistent coverage sidelines social needs important to voiceless people. Their coverage pattern can be likened to snapshots that have no value in solving the issues. The newspaper's coverage favours the elite but dehumanizes and ignores the circumstances of underprivileged people. While problems of development need to be debated in the mass media; the DS would rather remain silent and engage in a social exclusion process that breaches the norms of development journalism. The disinterest has impacts, not only in sidelining development issues, but also in dehumanizing and excluding the circumstances of underprivileged people." (Abstract)
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"Despite the pervasiveness of workplace sexual harassment, the connection between sexual harassment and job satisfaction in the news industry remains insufficiently researched. This 16-country and one state study (N*=*1583) sampled news personnel from Sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Arab
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region. The results expand current knowledge by examining understudied countries, measuring the impact of sexual harassment on job satisfaction, and evaluating differences in how people perceive gender equality in the news industry. Results show that both verbal and physical sexual harassment are common, underreported, and impact job satisfaction—challenging common misconceptions that there are only few cases of “real” sexual harassment with negative consequences. Sub-Saharan African countries had the lowest job satisfaction and the highest experienced sexual harassment. Southeast Asia had the highest job satisfaction and the lowest experienced sexual harassment. Men had higher levels of job satisfaction and gender equality perceptions than women. The results also highlight power imbalances that reinforce gendered hierarchies." (Abstract)
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"In conflict-ridden countries, the news media has a pivotal role to perform as an active advocate of human rights and societal peace, as well as a facilitator of conflict mitigation and resolution through the gathering and dissemination of non-partisan information. While today the world witness arme
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d conflicts in more forms than ever before, some countries are more sensitive to conflict and violence—such as Pakistan. The country is recognized as one of the riskiest places for working journalists by virtue of recurrent political, ethnic, and religious conflicts. The Pakistani journalists work in a climate of fear and risks and with opposing groups seeking to influence the news media, which creates more difficulties for them to report unbiased and accurate news to the public. The practice of ethics has become more challenging for the Pakistani journalists because the country lacks an effective and standardized code of conduct to report on conflict. Therefore, drawing on the theory of the conflict triangle by Galtung, this study seeks the Pakistani journalists’ perspectives about the ethics of conflict sensitive reporting. In doing so, this study uses the quantitative method of survey and the qualitative method of in-depth interviews. The study uses descriptive analysis to present the survey findings in the form of percentage and thematic analysis to present the findings of interview data." (Abstract)
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"A survey was conducted on 446 newspaper journalists working in Karachi, who do journalism in Sindhi, Urdu, and English languages, to understand the reasons for their job quitting. The findings revealed that low salaries, job insecurity, and inconvenient administrative policies are why journalists l
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eave their profession permanently. Additionally, a statistical test showed that the most significant issue is journalists receiving uncompetitive salaries, especially in Sindhi language newspapers. Furthermore, journalists working in the English language press tend to be pessimistic about their future in journalism. In contrast, Urdu language journalists are concerned about the threat to their lives, which is also a leading cause of job quitting." (Abstract)
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"Over the past few years, India has taken decisive steps to reduce its dependence on Chinese technology and investments. This was triggered by border skirmishes with China in 2020, but built on longstanding national security concerns about China, given the history of conflict between the two countri
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es. India has banned hundreds of Chinese apps like TikTok and UC Browser, restricted Chinese investments in Indian companies, and mandated that telecom infrastructure be from “trusted sources”, and tried to reduce the import of products from China. These actions have come along with active support and development of regulations in favour of domestic companies and innovation, a push for manufacturing in India, and global alliances to ensure that China doesn’t dominate emerging technologies. Not all of these moves have been successful: it hasn’t been able to address its trade gap with China, Chinese technology is still implemented in Indian telecom networks, and Indian alternatives to Chinese applications haven’t successfully replaced TikTok. India has, however, been opportunistic, and demonstrated agility in leveraging geopolitical developments to further its goals: there is a clear sense of direction in its approach. Its actions underscore striking a balance between economic gains and strategic interests. Thus far, the anti-China measures instituted by the Indian government haven’t gravely harmed India. They have benefitted a few Indian companies, and American companies even more so. The impact on trade has been minimal so far. It is, however, probably still too early to understand the full impact of these policies as the efforts are part of a long-term approach, but an approach that so far looks promising." (Executive summary)
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"Journalists’ reputations are under assault around the world. Among journalists we surveyed, 63% reported at least monthly attacks on their individual reputations — and 19% reported facing them daily. Rates were even higher for attacks on the reputations of their news outlets or the broader news
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media sector. [...] We investigated how widespread reputational attacks contribute to the risks and challenges that journalists face. While there is extensive research on efforts to delegitimize news outlets and journalism — particularly efforts by political leaders — there has been little research that investigates how reputational attacks affect individual journalists’ safety and professional autonomy. With that in mind, we focused on five key questions: 1. How frequently do journalists face attacks on their reputations? 2. What are the forms and sources of these attacks? 3. What are the personal and professional consequences of reputational attacks, including their links to violence and legal repression? 4. How do reputational attacks and their consequences vary for journalists in countries with different press freedom contexts? 5. How do they vary for journalists with different gender, ethnic, racial, or religious identities? To explore these questions, in 2022 we conducted a global survey. It was completed by 645 journalists, who resided in 87 countries, spanning a wide range of press freedom levels. The survey was available in six languages (English, Arabic, French, Hindi, Portuguese, and Spanish). 42% of survey respondents identified as women and 23.1% identified as belonging to a marginalized racial, ethnic or religious group in their respective countries. We then conducted in-depth follow-up interviews with 54 journalists." (Executive summary, pages 7-8)
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"This article presents and discusses data from two research methods on journalism in Afghanistan before the Taliban takeover of power in August 2021. News reports from the time of the intra-Afghan peace talks in September 2020 were analyzed using the Peace Journalism model. These were found to be pr
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edominantly War Journalism, leaving audiences cognitively primed for violent conflict responses and likely to overlook or fail to value peace initiatives. Interviews with 16 Afghan journalists revealed this pattern to be at odds with their aspirations and role perceptions. They wanted to report more in the style of Peace Journalism: revealing backgrounds and contexts; highlighting successes and achievements; giving a voice to all rival parties, and covering peace initiatives from whatever level. The constraints they identified, as impeding their preferred reporting approaches, were categorized using Reese and Shoemaker’s Hierarchy of Influences model. Some were attributed to the commercial competitive market structure of Afghan media under the internationally supported government, after an initial infusion of development aid was reduced. In any such intervention in future, it is argued, news can play a positive role in building a constituency for peace—but only if aid interventions ensure that media are not left to operate on a purely commercial basis." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores the Taliban government's media capture strategies since retaking the country on August 15, 2021, and how journalists and media outlets have responded to these strategies. In particular, it focuses on the Taliban government's approach to the media, given the recent political tran
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sformation in Afghanistan and the religious and political ideologies of the Taliban regime [...] The study revealed that the Taliban media capture strategies have multifaceted dimensions. From the analysis of media director and journalist interviews and relevant formal documents from the Taliban regime, seven media capture strategies emerge: (1) Regulatory interference, (2) Criminal prosecution of journalists, (3) Suppression of journalists, (4) Financial pressures on media outlets, (5) Media ownership, (6) Monopoly on information and (7) Expulsion of foreign journalists. Furthermore, this study finds that the Afghan media community, including the media outlets, journalists, and media unions, employed four tolerance strategies in response to the media capture strategies of the Taliban government, such as (1) Selfimposed censorship, (2) Low resistance, (3) Stopping controversial content, and (4) Advocacy campaigns." (Abstract)
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"The Afghan media landscape stands at a crossroads, navigating a landscape rife with challenges and uncertainties in the wake of the Taliban's resurgence. The post-Taliban era, marked by a thriving media sector with 160 television channels, 311 radio stations, 90 print newspapers, and 26 news agenci
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es, has witnessed a drastic transformation. The current media landscape, with 70 television channels, 211 radio stations, 11 print newspapers, and 9 news agencies, reflects a significant decline in numbers and diversity. Under the de facto rule of the Taliban, the media sector has encountered substantial constraints. Censorship and self-censorship have become rampant, with journalists and media outlets navigating the perilous territory of permissible content. Threats, intimidation, and violence against media professionals have created an atmosphere of fear, leading to an exodus of skilled journalists. Investigative journalism, once a cornerstone of accountability, has been stifled, and access to unbiased information has dwindled, leaving citizens ill-informed.
The closure of media outlets has far-reaching implications, including restricted information flow, suppressed free speech, and diminished content diversity. The narrative has further fragmented between Kabul and the provinces, where media freedom varies significantly. Female journalists remain conspicuously absent in many regions, underscoring the entrenched gender disparity in the field. International media outlets, under surveillance and restraints, grapple with maintaining their operations and integrity in an increasingly controlled environment. Social media, once a platform for open dialogue, faces censorship and restrictions, hampering the exchange of ideas. As Afghanistan's media landscape evolves, the absence of comprehensive legal frameworks has exacerbated challenges. The suspension of the Mass Media Law and the Access to Information Law during the transitional phase has left media professionals in a legal gray area. The need for inclusive consultations with media stakeholders to shape these laws cannot be overstated. In this complex milieu, it is evident that safeguarding the media's role as a communication bridge between the government and the people is paramount. Collaborative efforts between the Islamic Emirate, the international community, and media support organizations are essential to prevent the collapse of Afghanistan's media landscape." (Conclusion, pages 16-17)
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"The study assesses the extent to which Taliban 2.0 utilised social media as a political mobilisation strategy and provides a response through discourse analysis and a literature review. The study results indicate that the tactical use of social media was more apparent in 2021 when they were promoti
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ng the notion of their impending return to power and advancing their territorial gains on social media. The Taliban 2.0's utilisation of social media underscores their strategies for comprehending public narratives to present themselves as the legitimate authorities of Afghanistan. The research reveals that the Taliban's utilisation of social media tools enabled them to regain control of Afghanistan by shaping public narratives in their favour. The study is unequivocal in its assertion that Taliban 2.0 must evolve into a political institution that is significantly more democratic and responsive. It is sufficient for it to relinquish the dynastic and undemocratic principles upon which it currently operates. Not only to enhance Afghanistan's governance in general but also to allow for a more favourable opportunity to capture the hearts and minds of the Afghan public. The Taliban 2.0 must transcend their identities to alter the ethnic narrative and eliminate inequalities. For the democratic system to progress in the appropriate direction, the nation requires a genuine and democratic opposition party or parties. The Afghan youth are the primary decision-makers in determining whether Afghanistan's democracy will continue to progress towards impactful growth or vice versa, as long as the Afghan public, particularly the youth and strong regional parties, fails to collaborate and present the electorate with viable and credible strategies against misgovernance and economic reforms that generate employment. This study suggests that young Afghans should be encouraged to develop critical thinking skills to use social media to advocate for their rights and convey dissent, as a means of communicating with the current government." (Abstract)
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"This chapter explores some of the positive strategies employed by South Asian media institutions to enhance workplace happiness and help journalists to cope with stress and traumatic experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic. Happiness is crucial for media institutions because journalism is one of t
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he most stressful professions. Previous studies have found that the COVID-19 crisis has had a considerable impact on journalism. Hence, it is important to maintain workplace happiness in media institutions, particularly during a crisis like the pandemic." (Abstract)
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"The religious dimension of Chinese cinema is, it has been observed, a "triple lacuna" in contemporary scholarship: in research on religion in China, in research on Chinese cinema, and in interdisciplinary research on film and religion. From 2002 to 2012, independent filmmaker Gan Xiao'er directed t
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hree low-budget features that portrayed rural Christianity in China, a subject almost entirely absent from both Chinese mainstream media and independent films. In this article, I analyze Gan's films by locating them in their social, political, and religious contexts, by comparing them with other Chinese films, and by linking them to the tradition of Western films that portray spirituality. I observe a progression in themes and style from Gan's first feature, The Only Sons, CN 2002, to his third, Waiting for God, CN 2012. I seek to show that Gan developed a restrained directorial style in order to connect with the spirituality of Chinese peasants. Although he had to grope in the dark on many aspects, his engagement with Christian themes has greatly expanded the narrative space of Chinese cinema. "(Abstract)
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"The narrow genre of devotional films in India follows a regular template – a combination of theophanic interventions, bhakti (devotional) worship and didactic narratives. Thiruvilayadal (The Divine Play, Akkamappettai Paramasivan Nagarajan, 1965), a film in Tamil (a language spoken across South a
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nd East Asia by a large diaspora), was long considered a devotional movie that celebrated the God Shiva. However, a close analysis shows that the movie subverts the darshan concept (viewing) in a Hindu devotional film. Though it may appear to be a film about Puranic (mythic) Hindu gods, the subtle subtext reduces heavenly entities to supplicatory positions in relation to a cornerstone of identity in the post-independence Dravidianist Tamil State – Tamil language. This understanding of Thiruvilayadal is all the more relevant in light of the increasing rigidity of Hindu religious beliefs in contemporary India." (Abstract)
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"The TV series Jiok (Yon Sang-ho, 2021-), internationally known as Hellbound, is a recent and highly successful series that has been available on the streaming platform Netflix since November 2021. It is usually described as a "dark mystery thriller" or "dark fantasy film", which points to the gener
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al tone but also to its constant interplay with the "mysterious". The plot revolves around the appearance of monstrous creatures who suddenly arrive out of nowhere and kill people in a most brutal and bloody way. All of those who are killed in this heinous manner have received a warning beforehand, delivered by "angels" foretelling their fate and their imminent death and introducing crucial topics such as "guilt and sin" as a reason for the whole procedure. The article introduces major topics of this series and focusses on the prominent role of a new religious movement that is intimately linked to major trajectories of the plot." (Abstract)
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