"Journalists’ reputations are under assault around the world. Among journalists we surveyed, 63% reported at least monthly attacks on their individual reputations — and 19% reported facing them daily. Rates were even higher for attacks on the reputations of their news outlets or the broader news
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media sector. [...] We investigated how widespread reputational attacks contribute to the risks and challenges that journalists face. While there is extensive research on efforts to delegitimize news outlets and journalism — particularly efforts by political leaders — there has been little research that investigates how reputational attacks affect individual journalists’ safety and professional autonomy. With that in mind, we focused on five key questions: 1. How frequently do journalists face attacks on their reputations? 2. What are the forms and sources of these attacks? 3. What are the personal and professional consequences of reputational attacks, including their links to violence and legal repression? 4. How do reputational attacks and their consequences vary for journalists in countries with different press freedom contexts? 5. How do they vary for journalists with different gender, ethnic, racial, or religious identities? To explore these questions, in 2022 we conducted a global survey. It was completed by 645 journalists, who resided in 87 countries, spanning a wide range of press freedom levels. The survey was available in six languages (English, Arabic, French, Hindi, Portuguese, and Spanish). 42% of survey respondents identified as women and 23.1% identified as belonging to a marginalized racial, ethnic or religious group in their respective countries. We then conducted in-depth follow-up interviews with 54 journalists." (Executive summary, pages 7-8)
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"This article presents and discusses data from two research methods on journalism in Afghanistan before the Taliban takeover of power in August 2021. News reports from the time of the intra-Afghan peace talks in September 2020 were analyzed using the Peace Journalism model. These were found to be pr
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edominantly War Journalism, leaving audiences cognitively primed for violent conflict responses and likely to overlook or fail to value peace initiatives. Interviews with 16 Afghan journalists revealed this pattern to be at odds with their aspirations and role perceptions. They wanted to report more in the style of Peace Journalism: revealing backgrounds and contexts; highlighting successes and achievements; giving a voice to all rival parties, and covering peace initiatives from whatever level. The constraints they identified, as impeding their preferred reporting approaches, were categorized using Reese and Shoemaker’s Hierarchy of Influences model. Some were attributed to the commercial competitive market structure of Afghan media under the internationally supported government, after an initial infusion of development aid was reduced. In any such intervention in future, it is argued, news can play a positive role in building a constituency for peace—but only if aid interventions ensure that media are not left to operate on a purely commercial basis." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores the Taliban government's media capture strategies since retaking the country on August 15, 2021, and how journalists and media outlets have responded to these strategies. In particular, it focuses on the Taliban government's approach to the media, given the recent political tran
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sformation in Afghanistan and the religious and political ideologies of the Taliban regime [...] The study revealed that the Taliban media capture strategies have multifaceted dimensions. From the analysis of media director and journalist interviews and relevant formal documents from the Taliban regime, seven media capture strategies emerge: (1) Regulatory interference, (2) Criminal prosecution of journalists, (3) Suppression of journalists, (4) Financial pressures on media outlets, (5) Media ownership, (6) Monopoly on information and (7) Expulsion of foreign journalists. Furthermore, this study finds that the Afghan media community, including the media outlets, journalists, and media unions, employed four tolerance strategies in response to the media capture strategies of the Taliban government, such as (1) Selfimposed censorship, (2) Low resistance, (3) Stopping controversial content, and (4) Advocacy campaigns." (Abstract)
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"The Afghan media landscape stands at a crossroads, navigating a landscape rife with challenges and uncertainties in the wake of the Taliban's resurgence. The post-Taliban era, marked by a thriving media sector with 160 television channels, 311 radio stations, 90 print newspapers, and 26 news agenci
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es, has witnessed a drastic transformation. The current media landscape, with 70 television channels, 211 radio stations, 11 print newspapers, and 9 news agencies, reflects a significant decline in numbers and diversity. Under the de facto rule of the Taliban, the media sector has encountered substantial constraints. Censorship and self-censorship have become rampant, with journalists and media outlets navigating the perilous territory of permissible content. Threats, intimidation, and violence against media professionals have created an atmosphere of fear, leading to an exodus of skilled journalists. Investigative journalism, once a cornerstone of accountability, has been stifled, and access to unbiased information has dwindled, leaving citizens ill-informed.
The closure of media outlets has far-reaching implications, including restricted information flow, suppressed free speech, and diminished content diversity. The narrative has further fragmented between Kabul and the provinces, where media freedom varies significantly. Female journalists remain conspicuously absent in many regions, underscoring the entrenched gender disparity in the field. International media outlets, under surveillance and restraints, grapple with maintaining their operations and integrity in an increasingly controlled environment. Social media, once a platform for open dialogue, faces censorship and restrictions, hampering the exchange of ideas. As Afghanistan's media landscape evolves, the absence of comprehensive legal frameworks has exacerbated challenges. The suspension of the Mass Media Law and the Access to Information Law during the transitional phase has left media professionals in a legal gray area. The need for inclusive consultations with media stakeholders to shape these laws cannot be overstated. In this complex milieu, it is evident that safeguarding the media's role as a communication bridge between the government and the people is paramount. Collaborative efforts between the Islamic Emirate, the international community, and media support organizations are essential to prevent the collapse of Afghanistan's media landscape." (Conclusion, pages 16-17)
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"The study assesses the extent to which Taliban 2.0 utilised social media as a political mobilisation strategy and provides a response through discourse analysis and a literature review. The study results indicate that the tactical use of social media was more apparent in 2021 when they were promoti
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ng the notion of their impending return to power and advancing their territorial gains on social media. The Taliban 2.0's utilisation of social media underscores their strategies for comprehending public narratives to present themselves as the legitimate authorities of Afghanistan. The research reveals that the Taliban's utilisation of social media tools enabled them to regain control of Afghanistan by shaping public narratives in their favour. The study is unequivocal in its assertion that Taliban 2.0 must evolve into a political institution that is significantly more democratic and responsive. It is sufficient for it to relinquish the dynastic and undemocratic principles upon which it currently operates. Not only to enhance Afghanistan's governance in general but also to allow for a more favourable opportunity to capture the hearts and minds of the Afghan public. The Taliban 2.0 must transcend their identities to alter the ethnic narrative and eliminate inequalities. For the democratic system to progress in the appropriate direction, the nation requires a genuine and democratic opposition party or parties. The Afghan youth are the primary decision-makers in determining whether Afghanistan's democracy will continue to progress towards impactful growth or vice versa, as long as the Afghan public, particularly the youth and strong regional parties, fails to collaborate and present the electorate with viable and credible strategies against misgovernance and economic reforms that generate employment. This study suggests that young Afghans should be encouraged to develop critical thinking skills to use social media to advocate for their rights and convey dissent, as a means of communicating with the current government." (Abstract)
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"The religious dimension of Chinese cinema is, it has been observed, a "triple lacuna" in contemporary scholarship: in research on religion in China, in research on Chinese cinema, and in interdisciplinary research on film and religion. From 2002 to 2012, independent filmmaker Gan Xiao'er directed t
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hree low-budget features that portrayed rural Christianity in China, a subject almost entirely absent from both Chinese mainstream media and independent films. In this article, I analyze Gan's films by locating them in their social, political, and religious contexts, by comparing them with other Chinese films, and by linking them to the tradition of Western films that portray spirituality. I observe a progression in themes and style from Gan's first feature, The Only Sons, CN 2002, to his third, Waiting for God, CN 2012. I seek to show that Gan developed a restrained directorial style in order to connect with the spirituality of Chinese peasants. Although he had to grope in the dark on many aspects, his engagement with Christian themes has greatly expanded the narrative space of Chinese cinema. "(Abstract)
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"The narrow genre of devotional films in India follows a regular template – a combination of theophanic interventions, bhakti (devotional) worship and didactic narratives. Thiruvilayadal (The Divine Play, Akkamappettai Paramasivan Nagarajan, 1965), a film in Tamil (a language spoken across South a
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nd East Asia by a large diaspora), was long considered a devotional movie that celebrated the God Shiva. However, a close analysis shows that the movie subverts the darshan concept (viewing) in a Hindu devotional film. Though it may appear to be a film about Puranic (mythic) Hindu gods, the subtle subtext reduces heavenly entities to supplicatory positions in relation to a cornerstone of identity in the post-independence Dravidianist Tamil State – Tamil language. This understanding of Thiruvilayadal is all the more relevant in light of the increasing rigidity of Hindu religious beliefs in contemporary India." (Abstract)
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"The TV series Jiok (Yon Sang-ho, 2021-), internationally known as Hellbound, is a recent and highly successful series that has been available on the streaming platform Netflix since November 2021. It is usually described as a "dark mystery thriller" or "dark fantasy film", which points to the gener
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al tone but also to its constant interplay with the "mysterious". The plot revolves around the appearance of monstrous creatures who suddenly arrive out of nowhere and kill people in a most brutal and bloody way. All of those who are killed in this heinous manner have received a warning beforehand, delivered by "angels" foretelling their fate and their imminent death and introducing crucial topics such as "guilt and sin" as a reason for the whole procedure. The article introduces major topics of this series and focusses on the prominent role of a new religious movement that is intimately linked to major trajectories of the plot." (Abstract)
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"This digital innovation profile, developed in collaboration with the Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development and the Georgia Innovation and Technology Agency, aims to accurately assess the country's digital ecosystem capacity and maturity to help Georgia and its stakeholders navigate the di
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gital innovation landscape. The objective is to help Georgia to continue building new capabilities for a competitive, sustainable, and ICT-enabled economy that accelerates the development of the digital economy toward achieving Georgia’s vision. The creation of this profile entailed an exhaustive process, involving comprehensive research, one-on-one interviews with experts, and collaborative workshops with stakeholders from the public sector, private sector, finance, academia, entrepreneurs, and support networks. I extend my heartfelt appreciation to all the national stakeholders who actively participated in this endeavour. Their contributions and insights have been instrumental in shaping the profile and ensuring its relevance and applicability. This digital innovation profile will serve as a valuable resource for policymakers, innovators, the private sector, and other stakeholders in Georgia. It offers critical insights into Georgia’s digital innovation landscape, identifies areas for improvement, and presents strategic recommendations for collective decision-making processes towards accelerating the country’s AI-driven competitive advantage." (Foreword)
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"The unprecedented situation brought on by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has forced many sectors in Indonesia to transform and deliver their public services using ICTs. While the government has leveraged its school connectivity programme, started before the pandemic, in response to the tremend
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ous need for connectivity for home-based teaching and learning, the system was caught unprepared. As this proposal explains, digital learning fell short owing to limited connectivity, the shortage of devices, the lack of digital literacy and skills, unfamiliarity with edtech, and the scarcity of digitized education materials. These shortcomings, associated with the country’s geographical situation, urban–rural gaps and socio-economic as well as technological disparities, posed unique challenges in Indonesia. In the face of those challenges, a framework is proposed here to help assess needs and resources related to school connectivity holistically.
The proposal comprises a set of interconnected components (see Figure 7). The outer components are requirements that must be met to enable school connectivity, i.e. policy environment, infrastructure and devices, sustainable financing for connectivity and digital data governance. The inner components are multipliers that help optimize the use of school connectivity, i.e. digital literacy and skills, edtech and school–community partnership. The proposal ends with a summary of issues meriting further consideration and is expected to initiate further discussion of how to implement school connectivity in Indonesia." (Executive summary)
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"Indonesia is in the lowest category on the Global Connectivity Index 2020 in terms of ICT investment, ICT maturity and digital economic performance. It should close the Internet connectivity gap in every educational facility so as to ensure educational opportunities, a productive knowledge-based ec
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onomy and, ultimately, graduation to a higher category. Internet service affordability is another factor contributing to the urban–rural digital divide, which has widened during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite national spending by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, 40 per cent of students and teachers remain unconnected for reasons related to affordability.
Although Indonesia has reached target prices for mobile Internet service of 1.17 (pre-paid) and 1.40 per cent (post-paid), the requirement to study and teach from home has led to a surge in demand at the same time as it has highlighted the high cost of Internet use in education. The way in which the Internet has been used to study during the pandemic makes it unaffordable for teachers and students [...]
Despite the best efforts of the digital/telecommunication and education sectors, the residual gaps are indicative of a critical policy issue, as revealed by further analyses. Without proper policy intervention, the education sector will continue to suffer the severe impact of connectivity affordability and accessibility gaps. The following policy interventions are recommended to address these gaps: • Option 1: Issue a new presidential decree expanding BAKTI’s programme for school connectivity beyond the current 3T areas; Option 2: Expand the current Internet access programme beyond the 3T areas to connect schools that are most in need, targeting schools in underserved areas. Option 3: To enhance affordability, have BAKTI focus on coverage programmes (e.g. subsidized base transceiver stations), not only in 3T areas, but also where students and teachers live, and the schools become the universal connectivity target. Option 4: If BAKTI has implemented all supply-side interventions, but affordability remains an issue, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology could consider providing demand-side subsidies for underprivileged groups of students and teachers." (Executive summary, pages 27-28)
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"Due to the increasing number of journalists being killed, kidnapped, and imprisoned across the globe, the safety of journalists seems to be deteriorating. The level of violence against journalists varies over time and from area to area, even within the same country. This article analyzes the violen
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ce faced by journalists in the conflict areas of Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan. The collected data were analyzed thematically using the research question themes, namely threats and challenges affecting journalists; gender-specific risk; the number of affected journalists; types of risk factors involved in conflict reporting; and the recommendations for promoting conflict reporting and peace journalism education. Semi-structured questionnaires were designed, which entailed questions that were best suited in terms of the objectives of the study. Responses from the selected respondents (80) were recorded and then data from 1992 to 2020 were statistically analyzed. In conflict areas (Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan), the highest number of deaths were recorded due to crossfire (45.8%). The findings illustrate that among three countries Iraq had the highest number of male (48.4%) and female (4.2%) journalists in terms of gender-specific risk. Further results show that military officials and political groups are the deepest risk factors causing threats to the lives of journalists. In conclusion, a journalist's geographic location, workplace environment, religion, and culture can influence their moral behavior, sense of judgment, general mindset, and psychological disposition, all of which influence journalists’ overall behavior and attitude. However, adopting safety measures by journalists does not always reduce the challenges of conflict areas." (Abstract)
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"This is the first time that we have attempted to put together an overall picture of the community broadcasting sector of the Asia-Pacific region into one publication. I hope you – as a community broadcaster, advocate, teacher, and student of community radio, will find it interesting and useful. T
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he publication is primarily based on information collected through two methods. A comprehensive survey was conducted in ten countries of the Asia-Pacific region. The survey sought to collect general information about community radios in terms of location, transmission capacity, staff situation, involvement of volunteers, broadcasting languages and formats, content types, and ownership model. The survey also included questions about gender and social inclusion, disaster preparedness of radio stations, and involvement of indigenous communities, Dalits, and family (small) farming communities in community broadcasting. Surveys were conducted in Bhutan, Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Japan, Nepal, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, South Korea, and Timor Leste." (Introduction and methodology, page 5)
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"This article investigates the role of community radio in fostering good governance at the local level in the setting of Indonesia. Using the example of PASS FM Radio, this article demonstrates how community radio has fulfilled the purpose and function of media as a public sphere. As a community rad
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io station, PASS FM has not only succeeded in breaking down communication barriers between citizens and the local administration, but it has also presented solutions for optimising local potential. PASS FM Radio has also succeeded in partnering with the government to jointly serve the public interest and support the ideals of good governance, with the main features of transparency and public participation." (Abstract)
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"We look at community media in Bhutan from three important perspectives – the concept of community media in general, a modified self-evaluation tool developed by UNESCO Chair on Community Media, Vinod Pavarala, and the Gross National Happiness index where we show in what way community media may co
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ntribute to the growth of rankings within this index and how this index may help to better understand the community media phenomenon in this country. The research is based on desk research and interviews with the key actors in community radio development in Bhutan, in 2019, supported by the first-hand experience gained during conducting research on Bhutan media system gained by one of the authors during visits in this country in the years 2015–2018. In this article we concentrate on local community radio stations located in rural areas: KYD from Khotakpa, Edi from Dechen Pelri and Lhop Community Radio Station from Lotokuche. We highlight the unique context in which community radio in Bhutan functions – the geographical conditions and mountainous terrain, which cause separation from other surrounding indigenous communities, differences in spoken language and the cultivation of their own cultural identity. The over-arching argument in this paper is that local factors are really important to understanding national media systems and that the national government commitment to GNH helps to explain community radio in Bhutan." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the sustainability of community radio, the ‘third pillar’ of Indonesia’s democratic media system, after twenty years of government recognition. It focuses particularly on the strategies adopted by the Indonesian Community Radio Network (Jaringan Radio Komunitas Indonesia
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, JRKI) – Indonesia’s largest community radio network – to maintain its survival, with a strong emphasis on funding models. This article is based on a review of relevant documents (reports from local and international agencies) and semi-structured interviews with informants from JRKI’s central board and its partners. It is further enriched with a critical analysis of Indonesian broadcast policies and a review of community radio funding models in developed countries. Through its analysis, this article shows that community radio network in Indonesia is facing a managerial and financial crisis, one that leaves its sustainability in question. It also finds that the sustainability of JRKI and its members depends on the political climate and that the organization requires friendly regulations as well as partnerships with local and national public institutions. The recent trend (2015–21) of establishing partnerships with various government bodies has resulted in the association becoming increasingly state-driven in its management." (Abstract)
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"Community media is widely recognized as a tool to give voice to the voiceless. This study investigates the transformative potential of community media in India as a vehicle for promoting inclusive development and enhancing democracy. The research aims to examine the distinctive ways that community
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media promotes diverse viewpoints, local content, and participatory communication, contributing to social change and community empowerment. It draws on secondary data and case studies of successful community media initiatives in India and other nations with comparable socio-political contexts. A thorough literature review and thematic analysis are used in the study’s qualitative methodology to identify major topics, such as community participation and empowerment, local content and cultural preservation, solving development difficulties, and challenges and opportunities. The results show that community media projects like Radio Namaskar and Radio Mewat effectively foster community ownership, empower marginalized populations, and involve community members in content development and decision-making processes. The findings also emphasize how community media may help with local development challenges and cultural heritage preservation. However, community media initiatives in India encounter several obstacles, such as legal restrictions, a lack of funding, and low media literacy among underprivileged groups. The findings of the study also provide policy recommendations for boosting community media efforts’ efficacy in India, dealing with the problems they encounter, and utilizing the advantages offered by digital technologies and social media platforms. The research adds to the current discussion about the function of community media in advancing democratic ideals, inclusive growth, and social transformation in India and elsewhere." (Abstract)
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