"In an effort to help prevent violent extremism in Central Asia, the Research Centre for Religious Studies of Kyrgyzstan conducted an analysis of values, narratives, and online messages created and distributed by banned extremist groups in five countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmeni
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stan, and Uzbekistan. The study included over 1.6 million messages containing religious rhetoric and provides insight into the meanings of the messages and the channels for dissemination, as well as the impact of the messages on the target audience. This was followed by a field study of 4,005 respondents in the 18-35 age range. In addition, the survey also sought to identify the media preferences of young people in the region. Using the findings, the Centre developed communication strategies for each country that recommended how media, NGOs, state authorities, and religious leaders could, with a focus on young people, contribute to promoting peace. Although less than 1% of the analyzed messages containing religious rhetoric had what would be considered dangerous content, those particular messages often resonated with users’ values and interests, especially young people. The messages promoting violence used specific, complex terms that were geared to people who were already followers of radical ideas rather than the average user. The intent of the messages was to deepen the commitment of followers rather than recruit new followers. Administrators of violent extremist channels have developed multi-channel access strategies for potential recipients (through various platforms, chat rooms, personal messages, and reposts), thwarting the blocking measures used by Central Asian governments. The messaging by extremist groups promotes: purity of faith, mutual support to fellow believers, fighting against infidels and apostates, rejection of secular power and its decisions, ambition to create a caliphate, and anti-Semitism. The main target audience of distributors of extremist content is young people aged 18-30 who are dissatisfied with the current political environment and who share a strong sense of injustice. Those aged 18-21 showing the strongest support for the influence of religion on politics. Level of education is also a risk factor: young people with less education tend to engage more with the content." (Publisher description)
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"[...] The MPM2021 covers, on this occasion, 32 countries, 27 EU and 5 non-EU (Candidate countries) [...] The results of the MPM2021 show an increase in the risk level for all the areas that the Media Pluralism Monitor analyses: Fundamental protection, Market Plurality, Political Independence and So
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cial Inclusiveness. The increase is higher in the Social Inclusiveness and in the Market area; in the last case, causing the shift from the medium to the high risk level for the average of EU + 5." (Conclusions and recommendations, page 145)
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"This issue of the IDS Bulletin brings together studies of the primary institutions and policies that are guiding China’s activities in development cooperation, focusing on the question of what China contributes to international development and the implications for global development cooperation.
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It also explores a range of cross-cutting topics including: the new Asian development finance and the potential impact of China on development thinking and policies, and China’s development practice and the effectiveness of SSC and triangular cooperation. China’s new initiatives and practices in development cooperation, distinctive from that provided by traditional donors, will reshape the landscape of global development, leading to the generation of new development knowledge and global development cooperation governance architecture. Given China’s growing prominence as a source of development finance, and as an institutional player, there is a real need for greater mutual understanding to promote effective healthy competition in development cooperation." (Publisher description)
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"This report is the product of an effort to understand the scale and scope of “transnational repression,” in which governments reach across national borders to silence dissent among their diaspora and exile communities. Freedom House assembled cases of transnational repression from public source
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s, including UN and government documents, human rights reports, and credible news outlets, in order to generate a detailed picture of this global phenomenon.
The project compiled a catalogue of 608 direct, physical cases of transnational repression since 2014. In each incident, the origin country’s authorities physically reached an individual living abroad, whether through detention, assault, physical intimidation, unlawful deportation, rendition, or suspected assassination. The list includes 31 origin states conducting physical transnational repression in 79 host countries. This total is certainly only partial; hundreds of other physical cases that lacked sufficient documentation, especially detentions and unlawful deportations, are not included in Freedom House’s count. Nevertheless, even this conservative enumeration shows that what often appear to be isolated incidents—an assassination here, a kidnapping there—in fact represent a pernicious and pervasive threat to human freedom and security.
Moreover, physical transnational repression is only the tip of the iceberg. The consequences of each physical attack ripple out into a larger community. And beyond the physical cases compiled for this report are the much more widespread tactics of “everyday” transnational repression: digital threats, spyware, and coercion by proxy, such as the imprisonment of exiles’ families. For millions of people around the world, transnational repression has become not an exceptional tool, but a common and institutionalized practice used by dozens of regimes to control people outside their borders." (Executive summary)
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"The journalists’ right to perform their watchdog role and to do their routine jobs without fear of being killed, kidnapped, harassed, and attacked is a topic of utmost importance for freedom of the media and freedom of expression. However, in the past decade, journalists’ killings across the gl
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obe indicate that journalism is no more a safe profession. Noticeably, the Asia-Pacific region is the third worst violator of media freedom in the world. While the level of media freedom and journalists’ safety is not better in the Middle East and the North African regions, the Asia-Pacific region stands out because it is home to the two of the top ten worst countries for journalists’ killings over the past 25 years, namely: Pakistan and India. Therefore, drawing on the system theory, this study aims to investigate the journalists’ lived experiences of diverse safety risks in Pakistan and India. To accomplish this aim, this study uses the qualitative methods of document reviews and in-depth interviews. Besides, this study uses thematic analysis to analyse the gathered data. The analyses of journalists’ lived experiences of safety risks reveal a stark systemic failure to protect them and safeguard their right to freedom of expression in these two countries." (Abstract)
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"This article examines advocacy journalism coverage of human development issues versus other issues in the contents of mainstream Pakistani newspapers and investigates the factors behind the inadequate space given to them. The study further explores the association between editorial and readers’ p
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riorities. The quantitative content analysis method is used to measure and compare the frequency of sample content in five categories coupled with qualitative in-depth interviews with veteran journalists/academics to explain the factors that influence the editorial content. Rather than use precious space to comment on social hardship and ultimately improve the country’s HDI value, editorial content is dominated by the discourse produced by the communication bureaucracies of powerful national and international establishments. Issues-based policies of the state and political actors that do not concern human development, and warmongering and actual conflicts with India and Afghanistan, are given considerably greater coverage. Moreover, readers’ reactions to editorial content through Facebook Likes indicate a clear difference between editorial and readers’ priorities." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores cultural inclusivity in online learning design by discussing two international capacity development projects: an online tutor mentor development programme in Sri Lanka and a hybrid physician assistant training programme in Ghana. Inclusivity involves establishing partnerships an
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d conducting needs assessments to maximise the capacity that already exists within a given context, and addressing cultural factors that impact online learning — developing a learning community, negotiating identity, power, and authority, generating social presence, supporting collaboration, engaging in authentic inquiry-based learning, navigating interactions in a second language, and developing co-mentoring relationships to support learning. The paper provides a framework, WisCom (Wisdom Communities) to guide the design of culturally inclusive online learning incorporating lessons learned from international projects. By emphasizing divergent thinking, consensus building, and the exploration of multiple solutions to complex, real-world problems, WisCom maximises opportunities for participants’ diverse backgrounds and experiences to be valued." (Abstract)
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"The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) initially concealed information about the spread of the virus. Research suggests that they thereby delayed measures to alleviate the spread of the disease. At the same time, the CCP launched far-reaching efforts to silence domestic criticism. The CCP's efforts to r
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estore Beijing's tainted image both at home and abroad include attempts to export the blame for the virus via a wave of conspiracy theories, in a move that seems to be inspired by the Kremlin's well-known tactics. At the same time, Beijing has launched a highly visible global aid offensive, providing expertise, test kits and other essential medical equipment – not all of it for free, contrary to the CCP's media offensive – to a number of countries, including in Europe. Both Moscow and Beijing seem to be driving parallel information campaigns, conveying the overall message that democratic state actors are failing and that European citizens cannot trust their health systems, whereas their authoritarian systems can save the world." (Summary)
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"Die DW Akademie sammelt und dokumentiert die Wirkungen ihrer Projekte auf verschiedenen Ebenen, mit verschiedenen Methoden. Dazu zählen zunächst drei Wege, die heute Standard in der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit sind: erstens angewandte Studien, die neues Wissen über Wirkungen ermöglichen, zweiten
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s das sogenannte wirkungsorientierte Monitoring, das im Verlauf der Projektarbeit mit den Partnerorganisationen vor Ort durchgeführt wird, und drittens Evaluationen, die von externen Gutachterinnen und Gutachtern erstellt werden. Der vorliegende Band konzentriert sich auf zusätzliche Methoden, um Wirkungen darzustellen: auf Reportagen aus 13 verschiedenen Ländern und auf quantitative Daten, die sogenannten aggregierten Wirkungsdaten, die regelmäßig gesammelt und gebündelt werden. Die aggregierten Wirkungszahlen geben einen numerischen Überblick der Menschen, die durch die Arbeit der DW Akademie erreicht wurden. Hierzu fragt die DW Akademie jedes Jahr bei ihren Partnerorganisationen vor Ort nach. So wurden beispielsweise im Jahr 2018 mit Unterstützung der DW Akademie 9,6 Mio. Menschen in ländlichen Gebieten mit für sie relevanten Informationen versorgt. 26,6 Mio. Menschen haben von den Umstrukturierungen ihrer Staatssender profitiert und erhalten eine vielfältigere und attraktivere Berichterstattung. In dieser Publikation lernen Sie einige Menschen kennen, die hinter den Zahlen der aggregierten Wirkungen stecken. Ihre Geschichten sind nicht repräsentativ für die Gesamtheit der unterstützten Zielgruppen. Sie zeigen aber, welche Ansätze und Lösungswege für einzelne Menschen funktioniert haben und warum." (Einleitung)
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"This article aims to investigate the regulatory, financial and political environment negotiated by oppositional Syrian media operating in exile in Turkey, as well as to identify the main tactics used by them in negotiating between these constraints to ensure their survival in an increasingly diffic
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ult environment. As the war in Syria increased in intensity, many oppositional media chose to move their centres of operations into Turkey - forcing them to adapt to a completely foreign regulatory environment, and an unstable political context. Furthermore, and in parallel, their institutional links with the media development sector were being deepened as well. The study draws on in-depth interviews with Syrian media professionals in Turkey, as well as with their interlocutors in international media development organizations. Using Michel de Certeau’s model of strategies and tactics, the study aims at arriving at a better understanding of the complex system of choices made by exilic media organizations to guarantee their survival and achieve their objectives. Within the strategic universes circumscribed by the powerful institutional actors of the Turkish state and the international media development sphere, one can locate the agency of Syrian media actors in their responsive tactical manoeuvrings. The article contends that the tactics employed are also reflective of the identity of these media actors located at the intersection of the alternative, exilic and oppositional." (Abstract)
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"Journalists have always faced restrictions on their freedom of speech and threats to their security in Pakistan. During Pakistan's 2018 general elections, the country's media was also managed and controlled to create a maligned public-sphere to misguide the Pakistani voters. Public sphere was malig
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ned through misinformation, political propaganda and distortion of facts and maneuvering of journalism. This created ill effects for public discourses on democracy. Findings obtained through in-depth interviews of twenty journalists, who covered elections 2018, revealed that strategic media maneuvering was witnessed during the country's 2018 elections. Media freedom was largely constrained and journalists faced physical, psychological and financial threats in the line of their duty and for their efforts to foster democracy in the country. This study revealed Pakistan's long history of dictatorship, weak political system, and national psyche of control as the major reasons for such happenings." (Abstract)
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"Der »Wegweiser zur Geschichte: Afghanistan« erschien erstmals 2006. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt kämpften die US-Streitkräfte und ihre Verbündeten im Rahmen der Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) bereits mehrere Jahre auch auf afghanischem Boden gegen den internationalen Terroris mus. Die Kräfte der Int
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ernational Security Assistance Force (ISAF) konnten berechtigt hoffen, einen Beitrag zur Stabilität im Lande zu leisten. Die Bundeswehr war an der OEF von Anfang an beteiligt. Ende 2014 wurde der ISAF-Einsatz beendet und den Afghanen die Verantwortung für die Sicherheit ihrer Heimat übertragen. Gleichwohl war klar, dass das Land am Hindukusch auch weiterhin des Beistands der internationalen Gemeinschaft bedurfte. Folgerichtig wirkt die Bundeswehr seit 2015 im Auftrag des Deutschen Bundestages mit Einsatzkontingenten an der Mission Resolute Support (RS) mit. Ein Ende der Unterstützungsleistungen ist derzeit nicht absehbar. Der »Wegweiser zur Geschichte: Afghanistan« bietet auch in seiner vierten, aktualisierten Auflage einen raschen Überblick über Geschichte und Kultur des Landes. Die aktuellen Konfliktlinien und Herausforderungen werden in bewährter Weise aufgezeigt." (Buchrückseite)
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"Afghanistan media has a history of 147 years. In 1873 the first ever paper, Shamsunahar, was established. The first radio transmitter was installed in 1920. The first TV broadcast happened in Kabul in 1978. The Internet was linked and used in Afghanistan during the Taliban period after 1996, althou
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gh it was not public and was used only by Taliban leaders. According to Nai Supporting Open Media, the leading Media Advocacy NGO in Afghanistan, there are 464 operational media in the country, which has the best media law in the region and one of the tops “Access to Information” bills in the world. But, since 2001, almost 120 journalists and media workers have been killed; more than 1550 violence cases against media have been registered and, except for a few of them, no prosecution processes have been launched for the cases. In practice access to information, despite having a good law, is one of the biggest challenges regarding freedom of expression, along with security and financial sustainability. The Taliban pose a great threat to media. Out of 120 journalists and media staff that have been killed since 2001, over 55 have been killed by the Taliban. On the other side, the Government of Afghanistan is yet to start addressing the violence cases against journalists allegedly perpetrated by governmental staff, particularly security forces. The government is not as supportive as it is stated to be by law and poses pressures which are among the challenges to freedom of expression. It has been known to set barriers to a free flow of information and to find various ways to prevent broadcasting stories about its failures. Financial challenges caused almost 240 media outlets to stop their activities in the country since 2014. Tens of radio stations and almost 6 TV stations are among the media outlets that have stopped their activities mainly because of financial problems. Although there are no specific studies that analyse public trust in media, the article “Media and government in the era of democracy” published on The Daily Afghanistan magazine shows the existence of a strong public trust in the media. When people are disappointed or have their rights infringed by a governmental entity, they turn to various media to make the problem known. That explains the popularity of media programmes that review cases and court hearings." (Overview)
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"India ranks 140th among 180 countries worldwide in the World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), according to the 2019 report by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In 2018, India was 138th in the same index and 136th in 2016. For the media of the world's largest democracy, this is disconcerting. The slide in
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the country's press freedom ranking is indicative of a complex and hostile social, political, and economic environment pushing at the boundaries of media that is struggling to perform independently as the fourth estate. This chapter takes a critical look at imminent threats to freedom of speech and expression faced by the Indian media in the contemporary situation. The first objective of the chapter is to identify diverse threats to the Indian media, specifically journalism. The second objective is to trace both immediate as well as distal factors that breed hostility towards the media, with a focus on press laws and constitutional provisions in India." (Abstract)
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"Malaysia’s Pakatan Harapan government fell rapidly in late February 2020 as a result of coalition infighting and power struggles among the political elite. A major factor in the government’s sudden collapse was rising ethnoreligious tension between Muslim-Malay nationalists in the opposition an
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d ethnic Chinese who formed part of the ruling coalition. Such tension appeared to have grown over the 22-month period of the multi-ethnic coalition government, leading to concern about political polarization and the potential for communal unrest in Malaysia. Malaysia follows a pattern seen recently in other countries (e.g., Indonesia, United States) where the rise to public office of a minority has been followed by an anti-pluralist backlash. Social media played an important role in Malaysia during this period in amplifying and reinforcing religious and ethnic-based appeals. An analysis of social media data shows that, by one measure, the volume of anti-Chinese sentiment online spiked in the days around the fall of the government. Although unrest was avoided during these events, more research is needed on the interplay between social media and polarization in Malaysia. The events leading to the fall of the Pakatan Harapan government indicate that Malaysia may be following the Indonesian trend, where the primary cleavage is not one of race but of religious conservatives versus cosmopolitan pluralists." (Executive summary)
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"Digital Empowerment Foundation (DEF) launched the Digital Emergency Relief Programme through its Community Information Resource Centers (CIRC) across 600+ locations in India who have been rigorously responding to the crisis by reaching out to the most vulnerable communities. The CIRC centres with t
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he help of the 5,000+ digital foot soldiers, after mapping the needs of the communities in rural regions, identified that the immediate need was for information dissemination and creating awareness. Awareness regarding the information on coronavirus, its symptoms, preventive measures needed and countering fake news and misinformation was done using various means like WhatsApp groups, leaflets and word-of-mouth. Further, awareness around the relief package announced by the government- Prime Minister Gareeb Kalyan Yojanawas raised through Digital Mobile Van, public address system and WhatsApp groups. This proved to be one of the most effective ways of disseminating information and ensuring social distancing. Simultaneously, DEF’s digital foot soldiers created a relief kit which included dry ration to help families sustain for at least a month, masks and DEF Covid-19 information guide. These were done by local fund raising and administration support. Several surveys and publications were also published along with visual documentation of the issues faced, several initiatives carried out and expert opinions on the same. The report seeks to document the numerous kinds of initiatives that were undertaken by DEF." (Introduction)
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"Pakistan’s journalists confront severe safety risks across the country and impunity to crimes against them allows the perpetrators to go unpunished. Now the country is recognized as one of the deadliest places for working journalists in the world. Given this situation, the Pakistani female journa
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lists are more vulnerable because they are not only prone to safety risks and sexual harassment, but also they face gender discrimination when it comes to their recruitment and equal pay-scale. In the past decade, there has been an alarming increase in attacks on female journalists and incidents of their sexual harassment in Pakistan. Notwithstanding the growing plague of sexual harassment and gender discrimination in the country, the resilience of female journalists to work within a threatening and prejudiced environment has not yet fully explored and analysed. Therefore, drawing on the postcolonial feminist theory, this study aims to investigate the Pakistani female journalists’ lived experiences of sexual harassment, threats and discrimination. The study also analyses the impacts of sexual harassment, threats and gender discrimination on the country’s female journalists. To achieve the aforementioned aims, this study uses the qualitative methods of in-depth interviews and focus groups discussion, and offers a thematic analysis of qualitative data." (Abstract)
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"In 2019, the United States' trade war with China expanded to blacklist the Chinese tech titan Huawei Technologies Co. Ltd. The resulting attention showed the information and communications technology (ICT) firm entwined with China's political-economic transformation. But the question remained: why
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does Huawei matter? Yun Wen uses the Huawei story as a microcosm to understand China's evolving digital economy and the global rise of the nation's corporate power. Rejecting the idea of the transnational corporation as a static institution, she explains Huawei's formation and restructuring as a historical process replete with contradictions and complex consequences. She places Huawei within the international political economic framework to capture the dynamics of power structure and social relations underlying corporate China's globalization. As she explores the contradictions of Huawei's development, she also shows the ICT firm's complicated interactions with other political-economic forces. Comprehensive and timely, The Huawei Model offers an essential analysis of China's dynamic development of digital economy and the global technology powerhouse at its core." (Publisher description)
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