"This project set out to look at emerging indigenous mediascapes in Indonesia and at how far they contribute to transforming structural violence that is deeply rooted in the Indonesian state’s treatment of indigenous peoples. More specifically, it was looking at cases in which socalled indigenous
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people use media to fight for their rights and challenge existing power relations." (Page 6)
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"Ranked fourth in the number of Facebook users in the world in 2018, Indonesia has witnessed increasing social media usage as a strategic platform for political campaigns since the third direct presidential election in 2014. Due to their accessibility and relatively low cost, social media platforms
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are extensively used by both the Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto camps to broadcast short and punchy messages directly to voters. Prabowo sees social media as the means to offset the incumbent president’s advantage of having favourable coverage by the mainstream media. Nevertheless, Widodo still has an edge over Prabowo in the number of online supporters. Reflecting the general nature of Indonesian politics and election campaign dynamics, the social media campaigning by both camps have focused on personal attacks against their opponents while highlighting their own candidates’ personal appeal. There is hardly room for meaningful policy discourse; in any case, policyrelated postings draw little enthusiasm from the netizens." (Executive summary)
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"Facebook is the Internet in Myanmar, and it presents both opportunities for and challenges to the government, the opposition, and the people in a country that is in transition. Facebook has gained notoriety as a platform for hate speech and fake news in Myanmar over the past seven years. Facebook h
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as removed hundreds of accounts and pages allied with or supportive of the Myanmar military, or engaged in coordinated deceptive behaviour. The National League for Democracy government has sought to control and regulate social media by establishing a social media monitoring body and preparing a cyber law, but without much impact to date. Both Facebook’s close monitoring of accounts and defamation suits have made Facebook users in Myanmar more cautious, but supporters of the National League for Democracy, the military and opposition parties still rely heavily on Facebook for partisan political communication." (Executive summary)
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"Based on ethnographic research on Islamist buzzers – social media political operators tasked with making particular online conversation subjects trend – in Indonesia, this article details the process of how the proliferation of insensitive message in both the online and offline realms plays a r
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ole in mobilizing those sympathetic to religious fundamental-ism. As this research shows, the interviewed buzzers were one of the driving forces behind the massive success of the fundamentalist Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) as they mobilized people to participate in the organization’s political rallies between 2016 and 2017. Driven by altruistic volunteerism and sense of community, these actors go beyond their duty as click-farmers. They maintain regular contact with sympathizers and convincing them to revive broken weblinks, hang banners on streets as part of astroturfing campaigns and gather masses to attend offline events. Detailing the activity and spatiality of buzzers in crafting new online and offline spaces as part of their innovative bottom-up propaganda management, this research concludes that right-wing political mobilization and radicalization are not simply the product of ideology but are catalyzed by technically and socially tedious, mediated messaging campaigns." (Abstract)
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"Over the past seven years, the Russian government has employed various methods from censorship and surveillance to the intimidation of internet companies to tighten its control over the internet. The Kremlin undoubtedly considers the costs of control insignificant compared to the costs of political
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instability – even if this means slowing down the pace of innovation in Russia’s digital economy. Close cooperation with China increases its technical capabilities to restrict the freedom of internet. But just how much control the Kremlin is willing to relinquish to Chinese companies in order to better control Russian society will remain the key question for the years to come." (Conclusion)
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"Social media in China has not only become a popular means of communication, but also expanded the interaction between the government and online citizens. Why have some charitable crowdfunding campaigns had agenda-setting influence on public policy, while others have had limited or no impact? Based
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on an original database of 188 charitable crowdfunding projects currently active on Sina Weibo, we observe that over 80 per cent of long-term campaigns do not have explicit policy aspirations. Among those pursuing policy objectives, however, nearly two-thirds have had either agenda-setting influence or contributed to policy change. Such campaigns complement, rather than challenge existing government priorities. Based on field interviews (listed in Appendix A), case studies of four micro-charities – Free Lunch for Children, Love Save Pneumoconiosis, Support Relief of Rare Diseases, and Water Safety Program of China – are presented to highlight factors that contributed to their variation in public outcomes at the national level. The study suggests that charitable crowdfunding may be viewed as an “input institution” in the context of responsive authoritarianism in China, albeit within closely monitored parameters." (Abstract)
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"With particularly low internet penetration rates, intense state censorship and heavy Chinese investment, Pakistan presents elements of an authoritarian internet culture where surveillance is a barely-questioned norm, unless probed by civil society organizations or journalists. Social media giants s
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uch as Facebook and Twitter have come into minor clashes with the Pakistani government where enforcing content blockage/regulation is concerned. For example, the government in 2018 expanded the remit of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) to allow the regulator to block various types of content.[1] Journalists have begun to self-censor out of threats to their lives. Nearly 88% of Pakistan’s journalists said that they selfcensored, according to a 2018 survey carried out by Media Matters for Democracy, a local NGO. China, with its China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and One Belt One Road initiative, is exporting its regulatory model of surveillance to Pakistan, thus worsening the situation. A handful of digital human rights civil society organizations have sprung up over the past few years such as Media Matters for Democracy, Digital Rights Foundation and Bytes4All, all with the aim of fighting back against invasion of privacy, freedom of speech, and safety of journalists, and raising awareness about the issue of internet and human rights in Pakistan." (Page 4)
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"This report examines how digital-born news media in the Global South have developed innovative reporting and storytelling practices in response to growing disinformation problems. Based on field observation and interviews at Rappler in the Philippines, Daily Maverick in South Africa, and The Quint
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in India, we show that all three organisations combine a clear sense of mission and a commitment to core journalistic values with an active effort to find new ways of identifying and countering disinformation, based on a combination of investigative journalism fact-checking, data and social network analysis, and sometimes strategic collaboration with both audiences and platform companies. In the process, each of these organisations are developing new capacities and skills, sharing them across the newsroom, differentiating themselves from their competitors, and potentially increasing their long-term sustainability, in ways we believe other news media worldwide could learn from. All three case organisations we examine here are digital-born, mobile-first (or in the process of becoming so), and at least in part enabled by social media in terms of audience development and reach. While smaller than their most important legacy media competitors, all have built significant online audiences across their websites and social media channels. They represent a strategic sample of leading digital-born commercial news media operating with limited resources in challenging media, political, and press freedom environments in the Global South." (Publisher description)
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"This collaborative report between the Lokniti programme of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung analyzes the growth of online social networking sites and apps in India and their role in shaping political preferences and attitudes in the recently concluded 20
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19 Lok Sabha elections. The report is divided into four sections and relies heavily on Lokniti’s survey data." (Executive summary)
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"This report maps threats against journalists in Afghanistan between January and December 2017. Divided into five key indicator categories, the report first provides an overview of the safety situation of journalists in Afghanistan; followed by the discussion of the roles and responses of State and
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political actors; the roles and response of media and intermediaries; and the roles and responses of the United Nations (UN) system and other extra-national actors with a presence in the country in relation to safety matters." (Executive summary)
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"A growing body of evidence shows that young people are regularly using the digital world as a key source of information about sexuality. This review seeks to understand the opportunity for digital sexuality education by exploring what young people search for online, the range of digital sexuality e
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ducation platforms currently available in the region, the impact of these platforms and issues of online safety. While limitations exist in the depth and breadth of digital sexuality media currently available in the East Asia and Pacific region, this review finds that such platforms offer an opportunity to positively impact the sexual and reproductive health, knowledge and behaviours of young people. Digital media provides scope for targeted interventions and the potential to reach adolescent populations at scale, anytime, anywhere. There is a need for more research to better understand how they impact knowledge, attitudes and behaviour and what increases appeal and usefulness for young people." (Executive summary)
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"The volume is divided into three parts, focusing respectively on historical periodizations, categories that share formal characteristics, and structural elements involved in the production, distribution, and reception of the works themselves. In historical terms, topics range from the birth of Chin
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ese cinema at the beginning of the twentieth century to the present moment, and include discussions of several periods that have hitherto not yet received much detailed analysis—including Manchurian cinema from the 1930s and 1940s, and Mainland Chinese cinema from the Maoist period. In formal terms, topics range from familiar cinematic genres such as the opera film and the war film, to newer techno-formal configurations such as small-screen and large-screen cinemas. In structural terms, topics range acting and directing to the practices of reenactments and remakes. Neither the volume as a whole, its three main parts, nor any of its individual chapters pretends to present an encyclopedic overview of its corresponding topic. Instead, our objective is to explore the interpretive spaces that open up at the interstices of various existing conceptions of the shape of the field. It is here, we contend, that we may find the key to a richer understanding not only of a singular “Chinese cinema,” but more importantly of an eclectic body of mutually overlapping Chinese cinemas." (Publisher description)
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"Surveys conducted in 11 emerging and developing countries across four global regions [Mexico, Venezuela and Colombia; South Africa and Kenya; India, Vietnam and the Philippines; and Tunisia, Jordan and Lebanon] find that the vast majority of adults in these countries own – or have access to – a
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mobile phone of some kind. And these mobile phones are not simply basic devices with little more than voice and texting capacity: A median of 53% across these nations now have access to a smartphone capable of accessing the internet and running apps. In concert with this development, social media platforms and messaging apps – most notably, Facebook and WhatsApp – are widely used. Across the surveyed countries, a median of 64% use at least one of seven different social media sites or messaging apps. Indeed, smartphones and social media have melded so thoroughly that for many they go hand-in-hand. A median of 91% of smartphone users in these countries also use social media, while a median of 81% of social media users say they own or share a smartphone." (Page 4)
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"The Handbook showcases IAWRT members’ experiences and best practices for working towards advancing gender equality in and on the media in Kenya, South Africa, Tanzania, India and Uganda." (Publisher description)
"India, with about 1.3 billion people, has a teledensity of 91% with 1.7 billion mobile connections and 700 million unique subscribers. There are 525 million internet users led by mobile internet. Mobile, therefore, is now the primary screen in India. It is disrupting media consumption patterns as i
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t has created an ecosystem for personalised single user entertainment. India has the second largest population of internet users in the world and one of the highest per capita video consumption. 325 million individuals accessed video entertainment, 245 million individuals consumed news online and 150 million individuals tuned into audio streaming platforms in 2018. The mobile user is demonstrating unprecedented behaviour that cannot be anticipated based on empirical data. This digital disruption is challenging the way media companies develop brands and business models." (Page 1)
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