"This paper delves into the intricate relationship between religious populism and the legitimization of digital authoritarianism in Turkey. Specifically, it investigates how the ruling party, AKP, has strategically linked Islamist values to state policies as a means of justifying its repressive cont
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rol over digital technology. Through an examination of internet governance at multiple levels—full network-level governance, sub-network or website-level governance, proxy or corporation-level governance, and network–node or individual-level governance—the study reveals the instrumentalization of religious populism to consolidate support and validate the government’s autocratic agenda. Furthermore, it sheds light on the role of state-controlled religious institutions, traditional media, social media outlets, as well as religious leaders and organizations in shaping public opinion, enabling the government to exert greater control over the dissemination of information. By dissecting the religious populist justification of digital authoritarianism in Turkey, this research provides valuable insights into the complex dynamics at play in the realm of online governance." (Abstract)
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"Does the news media exacerbate or reduce misinformation problems? Although some news media deliberately try to counter misinformation, it has been suggested that they might also inadvertently, and sometimes purposefully, amplify it. We conducted a two-wave panel survey in Brazil, India, and the UK
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(N=4732) to investigate the effect of news and digital platform use on awareness of and belief in COVID-19 misinformation over time (January to February 2022). We find little support for the idea that the news exacerbates misinformation problems. News use broadened people’s awareness of false claims but did not increase belief in false claims—in some cases, news use actually weakened false belief acquisition, depending on access mode (online or offline) and outlet type. In line with previous research, we also find that news use strengthens political knowledge gain over time, again depending on outlets used. The effect of digital platforms was inconsistent across countries, and in most cases not significant—though some, like Twitter, were associated with positive outcomes while others were associated with negative outcomes. Overall, our findings challenge the notion that news media, by reporting on false and misleading claims, ultimately leave the public more misinformed, and support the idea that news helps people become more informed and, in some cases, more resilient to misinformation." (Abstract)
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"Blockchain originated from the aspiration for decentralization, and in Western countries, its association with freedom from governmental and corporate dominance remains unwavering. However, in China–where blockchain has taken an intriguing foothold–the socio-technical imaginaries of blockchain
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diverge significantly. As China rises in blockchain development, critical literature examining its ventures is notably lacking. This article analyses state-led initiatives and corporate endeavours related to blockchain deployment in rural China. While blockchain’s roots lie in libertarian ideals, within China, it serves as a ‘state techno-solutionist’ tool, empowering authoritarian capitalism for enhanced state control and corporate profit through data exploitation. Although the application of blockchain in agricultural tracing and finance is heralded as a blessing to elevate smallholder farmers from poverty and enhance agricultural practices, the reality contrasts sharply. Instead of empowering farmers, the technology exacerbates power imbalances, embedding them in a system marked by extensive data harvesting and surveillance. Such integration entangles these farmers subsisting on China’s economic fringes within broader national and global capitalist financial frameworks, rendering them more susceptible to exploitation and manipulation. Moreover, blockchain in rural China epitomizes authoritarian capitalism, where capitalists aligning closely with state agendas. Blockchain’s transparency, traceability, and tamper-resistant features, instead of diminishing government interference, are harnessed by capitalists to amplify the social credit system, strengthening the data dominance of platform companies and supporting state surveillance. Therefore, blockchain emerges as a threat to rural China’s ways of life–all driven by the pursuit of corporate profit and the government’s quest to reclaim national greatness." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the public response to mandatory location disclosure (MLD), a new surveillance technology implemented on China’s Sina Weibo. Initially introduced to geo-tag posts related to the Ukraine War, the MLD eventually expanded to encompass all posts and comments on the platform. Dra
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wing on a large-scale dataset comprising over 0.6 million posts and 24 million comments, this study uncovers political asymmetry observed during the initial implementation of MLD. Users with different political orientations were subjected to different levels of geo-tagging. Pro-Ukraine users were most frequently geo-tagged, followed by Pro-Russia and liberal-leaning users, while conservative-leaning users are least likely to be tagged. This selective surveillance approach, however, backfired among Pro-Ukraine and Pro-Russia users, pushing them to publish more war-related content, while its impact on liberal- and conservative-leaning users appeared to be minimal. When selective surveillance was replaced by universal surveillance, the backfire effects ceased to exist and people’s interest in war-related topics declined. Furthermore, privacy cynicism prevails among commenters across opinion groups. Neither the introduction nor the expansion of MLD deterred audiences from engaging with the geo-tagged posts. These findings suggest that prolonged surveillance makes people less sensitive to privacy threats and more experienced in neutralizing surveillance’s influence on themselves. Privacy cynicism, though widely considered toxic to democracy, can function as a source of resilience that shields people from the fear of coercion and undercuts the marginal utility of state surveillance in an authoritarian context." (Abstract)
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"Over the past decade, China has gradually begun to take a more proactive approach to digital development, passing a range of policies that aim to restructure how data is treated within its national economic system. These policies reflect the construction of a new data ecology in which data is gradu
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ally reconceptualized as a quasi-public good, rather than a private good. Strategic interventions aim to increase data circulation and supply, with the goal of promoting high-quality economic growth. Central to these reforms is the designation of data as a factor of production, which accelerates the authority of the communist party to shape the allocation of data within the national economic system. Viewed holistically, these policies reflect an intentional effort to construct a more communal data ecosystem that facilitates increased data circulation in support of a state-led centralized approach to social and economic development. What emerges is a variety of data communism, in which data resources are increasingly conceptualized to serve collective interests rather than the interests of capital." (Abstract)
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"The “Georgian Elections Observatory (#GEObservatory24)” was a short-term initiative aimed at fact-checking pre-election narratives leading up to the parliamentary elections on October 26, 2024, together with a few immediate post-election analyses. Unlike traditional fact-checking platforms, thi
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s project analysed entire narratives, combining political analysis with media scrutiny to provide a compre hensive understanding of the pre-election discourse. The project was supported by the Swedish Fojo Media Institute, the Georgian Investigative Media Lab (IML), and the University of Georgia (UG) Security, Policy, and Nationalism Research Center (UGSPN). This Fojo Media Insight offers several critical lessons for journalism, particularly in covering elections and political narratives such as the importance of comprehensive narrative analysis, the role of historical context, the manipulation of fear and utilisation of conspiracy theories, the instrumentalisation of identity issues, such as religion and theories. The discussion on electoral legitimacy highlights the critical role of the media in ensuring transparent and fair elections. Finally, this working paper underscores the need for international collaboration in journalism." (Back cover)
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"What kind of “democracy” do new government-led digital initiatives facilitate? This paper discusses the issue by investigating the open government data policy in Taiwan in the 2010s, asking whether the policy encouraged “strong democracy.” Using interviews, written records, and an analysis
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of platform design, I argue that the implementation of Taiwan’s open data policy has not institutionalized the engagement of civil society groups or ordinary citizens in government decision-making processes, which is at odds with the claims that open government data encourages “strong democracy.”Instead, open government data in Taiwan has facilitated monitorial democracy, which presupposes watchful but not active citizens, and neoliberal democracy, which presupposes profit-pursuing citizens. Both are more in line with “thin democracy,” which focuses more on individual rights and private interests than on participation and political community. The finding sheds light on why conservative governments around the world often embrace open government initiatives." (Abstract)
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"This paper investigates everyday information seeking and misinformation among Internet users in rural and urban China. The research employs both quantitative and qualitative methods to identify user demographics and categories of misinformation encountered on mobile devices online. The paper makes
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two contributions: one is to bridge hitherto unconnected research on everyday information practices with the literature on misinformation. The second is to demonstrate that, despite the assumption that China’s tightly controlled online space leads to less of a misinformation problem, this is not the case in everyday life contexts. The findings may have wider implications, especially in the Global South." (Abstract)
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"In 2011, Alibaba launched the Taobao Villages initiative, which enables rural e-commerce and connects rural sellers with urban buyers, highlighting the role of e-commerce platforms in reducing rural poverty. This approach was later integrated into national rural development policies. As the Digital
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Silk Road initiative progresses and Alibaba expands globally, Taobao Villages’ development experience is being promoted worldwide. Using Taobao Villages as a case study, this paper integrates the agrarian question in Marxian political economy with critical development communication studies. It explores why rural areas’ underdevelopment is perceived as a problem solvable by digital platforms, why this development approach emerged in post-socialist China, and its potential impacts. This paper argues that the Taobao Village exemplifies a dominant paradigm of development communication, produced by Alibaba, development experts, and government officials through shared knowledge practices. It examines the texts, intellectual frameworks, and diffusion processes involved in this knowledge production by employing critical discourse analysis. The study highlights how Taobao Villages reinforce the notion that informatization facilitates marketization, thus perpetuating and adapting three mainstream rural development ideas in post-socialist China. The underlying issue of rural China’s underdevelopment, the privatization and capitalization of rural social reproduction driven by China’s neoliberal globalization, sets the stage for another wave of digital labor exploitation. Furthermore, the widespread neoliberal ideology that advocates using e-commerce to foster social development creates internal challenges and generates external pressures within China." (Abstract)
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"In an age of digitalization, who still refuses to use digital technology? Drawing on nationally-representative Chinese General Social Survey data, this article finds that about half of Chinese households do not actively use the Internet or epayment systems, despite their ubiquity. This article esti
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mates the effects of socioeconomic resources on these technologies’ (non-)use across urban, resident but previously urban, resident but previously rural, and rural hukou household registrations in China. Educational attainment is associated with higher odds of use among rural hukou, but the size of this effect is nearly double compared to urban hukou. Additionally, being female increases the odds of use among urban and resident but previously urban hukou, and lowers the odds of use in rural hukou, but which are attenuated by the mediating effects of education. The results give credence to education as a direct and indirect mechanism for digital skills development, especially for rural households. Individuals proximal to rural living conditions have fewer opportunities to learn about digital technology, resulting in greater dependency on education as a rare source of skills training. Simultaneously, education indirectly creates opportunities for women to learn digital skills by improving chances for higher-status job participation that require information management skills, especially in rural regions where traditional cultural norms constrain opportunities for upward mobility. Ultimately, digital technology non-use is traced not to lack of interest, but to lack of skills development opportunities among the socioeconomically disadvantaged." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the sources of tuberculosis (TB) information used by Koreans, focusing specifically on how sociodemographic variables influence perceptions of source credibility and how the use of different information sources influences TB-related knowledge levels and risk perceptions. Based o
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n the secondary cross-sectional data of the Korean National Tuberculosis Association, a series of analyses of variance and multiple regressions were conducted. The result showed that TV and the Internet are perceived as the most credible information sources, and that age, gender, and income predict credibility in different information sources. The TB-related knowledge was positively related to the use of TV/radio, interpersonal sources, and the Internet, whereas perceived susceptibility to TB was positively associated with the use of TV/radio and interpersonal sources. The findings suggest that health officers or public health campaign practitioners must understand their primary targets and select the most appropriate information sources to develop their campaigns." (Abstract)
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"This study presents “platform-dependent creative labor” as a typology for exploring youth empowerment through the performance of creative labor on Bilibili, the most prevalent Chinese digital entertainment platform among young people. It employs digital ethnography and semistructured interviews
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to investigate the research question: How does the performance of creative labor on Bilibili affect youth empowerment in China? Findings show that youth empowerment is dynamically achieved through the performance of creative labor on Bilibili in economic, cultural, and sociopolitical terms. However, youth empowerment through platform-dependent creative labor is still faced with multifaceted challenges stemming from capitalist exploitation, stratification barriers, and nation-state censorship in China against the background of marketization, digitalization, and globalization. Overall, I argue that social media can be an empowering tool for the youth as content generators; however, it should be used more cautiously and skillfully." (Abstract)
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"A growing empirical scholarship examines the rise of Chinese digital nationalism. This scholarship remains scattered across disciplinary and area studies journals, making it difficult to systematize findings and identify knowledge gaps. We review N = 71 peerreviewed articles and book chapters (1990
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–2021) to map the empirical findings on the (re)production and circulation of official and everyday Chinese nationalist discourses. We note the dominance of single-case textual analyses of online data, the underdeveloped theoretical frameworks, and the unclear research designs across this scholarship. In China, the online (re)production of official nationalism remains driven by the Party state, with netizens’ everyday forms of nationalism generally reinforcing or being co-opted by official nationalism. We call for a fuller picture of the ecosystem of state-driven digital nationalism and its influence as well as more attention to the challenges to official nationalism online mounted by everyday nationalism." (Abstract)
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"The TikTok self-deprecating (SD) cyberculture is built on the exchange of SD memes among users who deprecate aspects of themselves on a daily basis. Predominantly composed of young people, SD memes on Indonesian TikTok reflect discourses on the daily struggles faced by young Indonesians. To explore
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and categorize the discourses, our research conducted a 6-month virtual ethnography, analyzing 786 videos observed through a conditioned TikTok’s For You Page. This study disclosed persistent discourses in the lives of young Indonesians. The article further discusses the aspects that support TikTok’s SD cyberculture in revealing private struggles that young people might hesitate to share with whom they have daily interactions." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the construction of distributed trust under today’s networked environment. Focusing on diaspora micro-influencers’ COVID-19-related videos on Bilibili, this study aims to explore: How platform-specific features of Bilibili enhance the construction of distributed trust; the d
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ynamics among a diversity of sources on trust building; and the ways in which the content of uploaders’ videos and users’ comments contribute to the formation of distributed trust. The results show that user participation, particularly participatory surveillance enabled by platform-specific features, plays a key role in the construction of distributed trust. Although it has new characteristics, we can also see that the formation of distributed trust is not a replacement of the old model but only an outcome of its transformation and evolvement." (Abstract)
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"In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, there is a growing use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for the purposes of labor control and surveillance. This trend significantly affects the knowledge workers who are deeply connected with ICT. However, there is a lack of studies tackl
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ing the perceptions of knowledge workers regarding surveillance, its impact on their work practices, and how they push back against it. Based on Scott’s concept of hidden transcripts, this article studies the workplace surveillance faced by Chinese knowledge workers and their responses and reveals the complex interplay between workplace control, the meaning of work, and hidden transcripts. Based on the findings of 13 in-depth interviews and the analysis of the content of 3,205 Weibo posts, 4 themes are identified in the discussions about the work of Chinese knowledge workers, the influence of their perceived meaning of work on their interpretation of surveillance, and the specific strategies of their hidden transcripts. The paradoxical role of ICT is demonstrated in labor rights as sites of surveillance and countersurveillance, especially digital platforms. Furthermore, a more comprehensive internal view of the survival dynamics among knowledge workers is provided." (Abstract)
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"This research offers a discourse-theoretical analysis of the construction of the militarist discourse in Turkish Cypriot children’s magazines, with a specific focus on the magazine Tuncer. The selected data for analysis consist of 14 issues published between January 1967 and December 1968. The ch
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osen period is deliberate, aligning with crucial turning points in the Cyprus Problem, marked by heightened collective violence. To better understand the articulation of the militarist discourse within these issues of Tuncer, a theoretical model is developed drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. The militarist discourse is seen to have 4 nodal points: (1) the army as a national protection assemblage, (2) obligated citizenship, (3) the sanctity of sacrifice, and (4) the need for the destruction of the enemy. The analysis demonstrates the presence of all 4 nodal points, with particular emphasis on the strength of the army as a national protection assemblage and the need for the destruction of the enemy. Furthermore, the contextualization within the Cyprus Problem unveils internal conflations, highlighting the deeply political nature of the militarist discourse." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the portrayal of Mao Zedong in Chinese literacy textbooks published within the context of the Patriotic Education Campaign during the 1980s and 1990s. Employing critical discourse analysis, this study reveals that Mao is depicted as an authoritative, charismatic, and industrio
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us political leader who maintains a frugal lifestyle and close ties with the people. The textbooks primarily highlight his role during the Chinese revolutions and the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), while avoiding discussion of his later political conflicts and flawed economic policies. This deliberate approach allows the Chinese Communist Party to construct a favorable image of Mao, aimed at preserving Maoism’s legitimacy among younger generations of Chinese who may not be well-acquainted with the Chinese revolutions. Consequently, the collective memories cultivated about Mao through the education system serve as a form of proregime propaganda, illustrating the intricate and symbiotic relationship between education and propaganda in the PRC." (Abstract)
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