"Which instruments and approaches do incumbent elites employ to skew media coverage in favour of their preferred candidate in a presidential election? What effects do these strategies have on news content? Based on two case studies of the presidential election campaigns in Russia in 2000 and in 2008
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, this investigation identifies the critical internal mechanisms according to which these regimes work. Looking at the same country, while it transformed from a competitive into a hegemonic authoritarian regime, allows one to make a diachronic comparison of these two regime types based on the Most-Similar Systems Design. The book explicates the subtle differences between competitive and hegemonic regimes, different types of media manipulation strategies, the diverging extent of media instrumentalisation, various interactions among state actors, large business owners, the media, and journalists, the respective effects that all these factors and interactions have on media content, and the peculiar types of bias prevalent in each type of regime." (Publisher description)
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"This paper analyzes the subsystem of religious media in Russia, with a focus on Christian media and their place in Russia’s media system in the context of “networkization”. The dilemma faced by the Russian Orthodox Church in coming to terms with new digital communication technologies, and the
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‘pros’ and ‘cons’ of using social networks, are considered by specialists in the field. The author underscores three problem areas for Christian media in Russia: (1) the requirement that journalistic endeavors remain subordinate to the goals of proselytization and public relations; (2) a blurry understanding of the target audience, and (3) the use of a barely understandable archaic ecclesiastical language. The author hypothesizes that some recent approaches to the challenge of “networkization” on the part of Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant thinkers may hold promising solutions to the problem." (Abstract)
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"The literature on the social uses of social technologies is substantial and expanding. Using over 400 sources, the current review outlines the key themes emerging from academic, grey literature and online material in this field. Much of this literature argues for the transformative power of social
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media, through its capacity to democratise and generate action through horizontal networks. The literature is dominated by studies of and commentary on the political impact of social media use, in particular in forms of protest. But while these technologies may have helped to change some processes, there seems to have been little lasting impact on broader outcomes in terms of empowerment, equalities or social justice. Nor is there evidence, at the less-publicised level of the community sector, that such outcomes have been or will be affected by uses of social media. Within the third sector literature, the dominance of material relating to marketing and fundraising for charities obscures a lack of case studies of community organisations’ use of social media. Research suggests that networked individuals may now carry out community action roles more efficiently than organisations. There is evidence that social media is changing the way social actions are organised: not just collective action but also ‘connective’ action. Community organisations will need to adjust to a changing role in the processes of knowledge generation and sharing." (Abstract)
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"While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media eff
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ects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on an original UK-wide study of public responses to humanitarian issues and how NGOs communicate them, this timely book provides the first evidence-based psychosocial account of how and why people respond or not to messages about distant suffering. The book highlights what NGOs seek to achi
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eve in their communications and explores how their approach and hopes match or not what the public want, think and feel about distant suffering." (Publisher description)
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"At the forefront in its field, this Handbook examines the theoretical, conceptual, pedagogical and methodological development of media literacy education and research around the world. Building on traditional media literacy frameworks in critical analysis, evaluation, and assessment, it incorporate
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s new literacies emerging around connective technologies, mobile platforms, and social networks. A global perspective rather than a Western-centric point of view is explicitly highlighted, with contributors from all continents, to show the empirical research being done at the intersection of media, education, and engagement in daily life. Structured around five themes—Educational Interventions; Safeguarding/Data and Online Privacy; Engagement in Civic Life; Media, Creativity and Production; Digital Media Literacy—the volume as a whole emphasizes the competencies needed to engage in meaningful participation in digital culture." (Publisher description)
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"As this study shows, many of the more than 21,000 German foundations contribute a wealth of ideas, and substantial funding, to a wide variety of journalistic projects and grants. But only around 120 foundations profess express support of journalism in their statutes. Unfortunately, the total moneta
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ry value of their activities remains in the dark. A project of the not-for-profit ZEIT-Stiftung makes the case in point what a focused engagement can look like. The area of interest is in Eastern Europe, where preconditions for independent reporting are entirely different from Germany, and where information is hard to get hold of, or cannot be accessed at all. Between 2000 and 2016, ZEIT-Stiftung has been awarding its prestigious “Gerd Bucerius Prize for a Free Press in Eastern Europe” for a total of 17 times (from 2004 in cooperation with Norwegian Fritt Ord Foundation). In a trusting international cooperation, the two foundations have awarded 97 laureates – 40 journalists and 57 media outlets – with €1.7m overall. The aim: to strengthen independent journalism in Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, both foundations have launched the follow up project “Free Media Awards. Supporting Independent Journalism in Eastern Europe“.
It is well worthwhile further to encourage foundations to engage with projects that contribute to better journalism and plurality of opinion. Support for, and the defence of, press freedom; the free flow of information; and improving journalistic standards remain on top of the agenda. Notably, this is precisely not about steering opinion-forming processes, peddling of influence, or surreptitious lobbying. Moreover, foundations are not positioned to mitigate the adverse effects that come with the erosion of traditional business and distribution models. Nor can they develop alternative sources of media revenue. But as actors of civic society, foundations can uphold the importance of journalism. They can insist on the diversity, quality, and relevance of journalism – values that are constitutive for an open society. They can do so, for instance, through endowed journalism professorships, or by way of training and exchange programmes for mid-career journalists." (Foreword, pages 5-6)
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"Journalists may be exposed to a number of risk factors for unwarranted interference. This is often compounded by a culture of impunity. The extent of unwarranted interference, the experience of fear associated with such interference, and the consequent possibility of self-censorship among journalis
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ts still ask for more investigation, since there are few systematic studies on this topic. This research explores the prevalence of unwarranted interference, perception of likelihood/fear of such interference and possible self censorship amongst a non-probability convenience sample of 940 journalists in the 47 Council of Europe member states. The study adopts a quantitative approach and utilizes an anonymous self-report questionnaire. The preliminary results presented here show how unwarranted interference is experienced to a significant degree among journalists in Council of Europe member states." (Abstract)
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"What does it mean to support local media? How should we define local media in the first place? Christopher Ali delves into our ideas about localism and their far-reaching repercussions for the discourse of federal media policy and regulation. His critique focuses on the new interest in localism amo
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ng regulators in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. As he shows, the many different and often contradictory meanings of localism complicate efforts to study local voices. At the same time, market factors and regulators' unwillingness to critically examine local media blunt challenges to the status quo. Ali argues that reconciling the places where we live with the spaces we inhabit will point regulators toward effective policies that strengthens local media." (Publisher description)
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"The main points regarding the freedom of expression decrease in Ukraine include: the restriction of access to information channels (Russian books, TV channels, films, social networks, mail servers, etc.); persecution, in particular the detention and imprisonment of citizens expressing separatist vi
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ews in social networks; a mass prohibition on Russian journalists entering Ukraine, and those who were on temporarily uncontrolled territory (Crimea and Donbas). This is especially true for those who arrived in the area from the Russian Federation. In addition to this, so-called “patriotic” or loyalty-journalism became active as some journalists believe that in terms of war it is more important to participate in the information war against the enemy than just to be non-biased. Here also belong the calls not to criticize the authorities during war period, and the prolonged understatement of crimes committed by individual fighters of volunteer battalions. This led to a rapid fall of trust to Ukrainian media. According to the Institute of Sociology, the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, in 2016, only 21% of Ukrainian citizens trusted domestic media, while 51% did not. However, Ukrainian journalists should clearly understand their social role. In general, Niclas Louman is right, saying that we know about the world is taken from media. But if the media give a biased image, the audience will stop trusting. This is so, if a person is looking behind the window, and observes a different situation from that one previously watched or read. The audience is not helpless. It is possible to cheat on people once or twice but after all they will not believe this source of information anymore. This is a real tragedy for media as they lose the sense of existing. Thus, the goal of media as the information source is not just to report all recent news to the target audience, but also to ensure that the virtual picture of the world corresponds to the real one." (Editor's note, page 6)
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"Computerspiele sind Kulturgut. Sie sind etablierte und treibende Kraft gesellschaftlicher Transformationsprozesse in der Freizeitgestaltung und des Medienkonsums zu Unterhaltungszwecken. Aber lassen sich gerade in kommerziellen Spielen – sogenannten off-the-shelf games – auch Bildungspotenziale
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entdecken? Können sie also für die Vermittlung von Wissen insbesondere im schulischen Kontext nutzbar gemacht werden? Dieser Frage widmete sich das Praxisforschungsprojekt „Spielend lernen!“ des Grimme-Forschungskollegs an der Universität zu Köln. Hier wurden mithilfe zentraler Zielgruppen in einer Reihe von Expert*innen-Workshops kritische Stellschrauben (technisch, konzeptionell und pädagogisch) identifiziert und davon ausgehend Gelingensbedingungen spezifiziert, unter denen das Medium Computerspiel ein sinnvolles Werkzeug in Schule und Unterricht sein kann. Um der Vielschichtigkeit der Thematik und der unterschiedlichen fachdidaktischen Bedarfe gerecht zu werden, wurde der Fokus bewusst breit gehalten und nicht auf spezielle Fächer eingegrenzt. Band 5 der Schriftenreihe zur digitalen Gesellschaft des Landes NRW fasst wesentliche Perspektiven des Praxisforschungsprojektes noch einmal zusammen. Dadurch, dass hier in stärkerem Maße als bislang die Nutzbarmachung kommerzieller digitaler Spiele als Vehikel für die Wissensvermittlung gerade auch im Rahmen formeller Kontexte akzentuiert wird, nimmt dieses Buch eine zur Mainstream-Debatte komplementäre Perspektive ein, aus der sich wertvolle Erkenntnisse für weitere Forschung und medienpädagogische Praxis generieren lassen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The integration of traditionally isolated Central/ Eastern Europe into larger, worldwide trends has fundamentally changed the way we look at the media in this region. This volume proposes to address the transition of the media and communication industries in the contemporary period. The contributio
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ns discuss, among other things, the obstacles that still remain for the media to play an effective watchdog role in the new democracies, and whether the advent of the Internet and social media has helped or hindered the transformation to a powerful, independent media. The discussion further examines whether advertising agencies have targeted postcommunist citizens differently than those in Western European countries and if the media markets in the post- communist region are fundamentally different than in Western Europe and North America. A second focus of the volume is the media coverage of social issues like domestic violence, which is intended to draw attention to these issues and influence policy in a more aware and open society. This establishes the trend of post- communist media following the example of western media practice." (Publisher description)
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"In 2016, television broadcasts were watched by 80 percent of the population, Slovak citizens did watch more programmes in their non-mother tongue than in other EU countries." (https://medialandscapes.org)
"Die Islamkonferenz hat kritisch nach dem Beitrag der Medien für die Integration von Muslimen gefragt. 2007 machten der SWR mit der Radio-Sendung „Islamisches Wort“ und das ZDF mit der TV-Sendung „Forum am Freitag“ einen Anfang. Der NDR folgte später mit dem „Freitagsforum“ und der „
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Deutschlandfunk“ mit „Koran erklärt“. Die Diskussion über Islam im Rundfunk konzentriert sich auf zwei Bereiche: auf die Einführung weiterer islamischer Sendungen, analog zu christlichen und jüdischen Sendungen, und auf Gremiensitze für muslimische Vertreter in den Rundfunk- und Fernsehräten. Der Artikel beleuchtet den Status quo islamischer Sendungen und Gremienvertreter. Deutlich wird: Nicht rechtliche Hürden sind oft Integrationshindernisse, sondern mangelnder politischer Wille." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Building on critical theory, most notably Herman and Chomsky's Propaganda Model, Florian Zollmann's pioneering study brings propaganda back to the forefront of the debate. On the basis of a forensic examination of 1,911 newspaper articles, Zollmann investigates US, UK and German media reporting of
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the military operations in Kosovo, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Egypt. The book demonstrates how 'humanitarian intervention' and 'R2P' are only evoked in the news media if so called 'enemy' countries of Western states are the perpetrators of human rights violations. Zollmann's work evidences that the news media plays a crucial propaganda role in facilitating a selective process of shaming during the build-up towards military interventions." (Back cover)
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