"The structural conditions of journalism are shaped by legacies of the past (marked by non-democratic regimes and sometimes colonial rule) and persisting power structures. The state and powerful political actors are perceived to play an important role in the media sector, mirrored in different forms
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of political interference directed at newsrooms and individual journalists in the way of repressive legal frameworks, political ownership and advertising, economic censorship and blackmail, as well as threats directed at the physical and psychological safety of journalists. Journalists perceive the relationship between different communities in society to be reflected in the constitution of and atmosphere among newsroom staff. Even though journalists operate in a more liberal environment than under autocratic rule in Kenya, Serbia and South Africa, media privatisation has created new dependencies and pressures: Against the background of profit-making pressures in capitalist and highly commercialised media markets, journalists claim to work under precarious working conditions, marked by time constraints due to short-staffed newsroom and juniorisation, high professional insecurity and poor salaries arguably making journalists vulnerable to bribery and corruption. Challenges relating to journalistic professionalism also translate into insufficient training on conflict-sensitive reporting and safety measures for journalists reporting on conflicts, low professional organisation and self-regulation, as well as a lack of professional solidarity and prestige." (Executive summary)
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"The idea of rules limiting concentration of media ownership is often cast by media owners as a restriction on their right to freedom of expression. Unfortunately, the behaviour of States in Latin America has often lent support to this perspective, especially when States abuse for political ends the
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ir power to provide for regulation of the media. International law has a clear answer to both of these problems. By protecting the rights of both the speaker and the listener, international law provides an alternative view of the claim that limits on media ownership are simply restrictions on freedom of expression. Instead, by promoting a plurality of voices in the public sphere, such limits enhance the right of listeners to receive a diversity of information and ideas, which is essential to the exercise of full citizenship, political participation, robust cultural expression and many other important values in society. Thus what at first blush may appear as a restriction on the expressive rights of speakers is also a form of protection for the freedom of expression rights of listeners." (Conclusion)
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"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"Recent media policy developments in Poland attract wide media coverage and the attention of governmental and non-governmental international and national organisations and bodies. This article aims at putting the debated regulatory changes into a relevant context through policy analysis. The normati
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ve concept against which the change will be tested, is media pluralism. Why? The concept of media pluralism is often viewed as an important condition for a well-functioning and democratic public sphere and media, while also incorporating political, economic and cultural value dimensions." (Page 197)
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"Key findings: Only 21% of news items on asylum and migration reference a refugee or migrant [...] Of the 21% of articles that mentioned a refugee or migrant, only in about one-quarter (27%) was that person a woman [...] Of the 21% of the news items that reference migrants or refugees, less than hal
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f (40%) of the articles quote them directly [...] Refugees and migrants are most often only identified by their displacement [...] Terminology and impartiality may be positive signs." (Pages 5-6)
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"This report identifies eight basic types of harassment present in Hungary: rhetorical aggression; trolling; bullying; threats; public shaming; violation of personal privacy; cyber attacks and site hacking; and malicious social media activity. The study found that the most common types of online har
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assment are trolling and rhetorical aggression, which are experienced by Hungarian online journalists on a daily basis through both public and private channels. Overall, comments made through private channels are more severe. Facebook comments are generally the least aggressive in nature, followed by comment sections under individual articles. Abusive messages sent via private channels (email, Facebook messages) are the most aggressive and straightforward. Many journalists agreed that the most disturbing element of online harassment is not necessarily the harshness or explicit nature of comments but the frequency and overwhelming persistence of them." (Executive summary)
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"In dieser Studie wird mithilfe qualitativer Fokusgruppendiskussionen mit Migranten bzw. mit Menschen mit Migrationsabsicht aus Subsahara-Afrika (i) nach Motiven für Migration, (ii) nach der Nutzung von Informationen und dem Wissen über Migration sowie (iii) nach der Rolle von Projekten der intern
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ationalen Zusammenarbeit im Kontext von Migration gefragt. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung ist die Annahme, dass Push-/ Pull-Modelle Migrationsprozesse nur unzureichend beschreiben; diese aber in der Politik häufig eingesetzt werden, um Fluchtursachen zu erklären und mögliche Wege ihrer Bekämpfung aufzuzeigen. Insgesamt wurden 17 Fokusgruppendiskussionen mit Befragten aus neun Ländern in Subsahara-Afrika im Zeitraum März bis Mai 2017 durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass nicht nur „klassische“ Push-Faktoren bei Migrationsentscheidungen eine Rolle spielen, sondern auch sozialer Druck durch die Familie, die an die Migration eines Familienmitgliedes bestimmte Erwartungen knüpfen. Dies führt dazu, dass Rückkehrer, die diesen Erwartungen nicht gerecht werden, häufig unter sozialer Ausgrenzung leiden. Darüber hinaus zeigen die Befragungen, dass Migranten besser über Risiken der Migration informiert sind als in der Öffentlichkeit gemeinhin angenommen wird. Dazu gehört zum Beispiel das Wissen über Gefahren auf der Flucht sowie das Risiko, im Ausland scheitern zu können. Ein weiteres Ergebnis der Untersuchung ist, dass die Reichweite von Projekten der internationalen Zusammenarbeit mit Schwerpunkt Migration weiter ausbaufähig ist und auch das Image von zentralen Akteuren dieses Bereichs verbesserungswürdig." (Zusammenfassung)
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"The central objective of this volume has been to show that legislation against hate speech in the EU may be an effective first step towards combatting the phenomenon, but it might not be adequate on its own to contain the present situation. This is because hate speech has multiple ways of being exp
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ressed. In this volume, we have identified several strategies of Othering that can be used to express such an unfavourable position towards members of a minority: categorisation and stereotyping, hate concealed as patriotism, metaphorical language, sarcasm, allusions and constructed dialogue can all be ‘subtle’ ways in which discrimination emerges in public discourse. And while we are not in a position, as linguists, to suggest that such strategies belong to the category of prosecutable hate speech, we think that it is safe to assume that they do form part of what we have dubbed soft hate speech." (Concluding remarks, page 87)
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"Struggling to cope with structural societal changes, digitalized news production, and the modified habits of fragmented media publics, public service broadcasters are expected to redefine the logic of their operations in order to regain the trust of citizens and engage them. This paper looks at how
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public service broadcasters in seven countries of the Western Balkans have embraced new approaches, technologies, and online channels to foster interaction with their audiences. This includes the analysis of their structures, the popularity of offline programmes, and the use of online channels to reach the public, on the basis of evidence, experiences and specific findings collected during the period 2014-2016, as part of the project implemented by the University of Fribourg (Switzerland) and the Centre for Social Research Analitika (Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina)." (Abstract)
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"UNICEF and the Government of Montenegro implemented a communication strategy "It's about ability" to challenge the existing, exclusionary practices and promote new, inclusive social norms for children with disability. Drawing on communication for development principles and social norms theory, a 20
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10-2013 nation-wide campaign mobilized disability rights NGOs, parents associations, media and private sector to stimulate inclusive attitudes and practices towards children with disabilities. As a result, the percentage of citizens who find it acceptable for a child with disability to attend the same class with theirs increased from 35 before the campaign to 80 percent at the end of it. Similarly, the percentage of Montenegrin citizens who find it acceptable for a child with disability to be the best friend of their child increased from 22 before the campaign to 51 percent at the end of it. The campaign was participatory, audience-centred and guided by the key communication planning principles." (Abstract)
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"National and Regional Internet Governance Forums (NRIs) are the stars of the 2017 Global Information Society Watch. The story of NRIs began two years after the first global IGF held in 2006. In 2008, stakeholders from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda organised national forums and a subsequent Eas
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t African IGF, to prepare for and discuss common concerns in anticipation of the global forum held later that year in Hyderabad. Soon after, many other national and regional initiatives emerged, impacting the global forum from the bottom up, enhancing inclusiveness and the broad engagement of multiple stakeholders. Today there is widespread agreement that national and regional forums constitute an important part of the IGF process, that their rise has added significance to the global forum and, at the same time, strengthened national and regional initiatives in their quest for inclusive, participatory decision making on their home turf. This GISWatch edition is the first comprehensive look at national and regional IGF initiatives from a critical, civil society perspective. In all, 54 reports are presented, including seven reports addressing cross-cutting themes, 40 covering national IGFs, and seven examining regional initiatives." (Preface)
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"The share of interviewed persons who said that mass media in the Republic of Moldova behaves to a great extent responsibly to its audience remains at a very low level—8% (7% in September 2016, 8% in January 2016). However, as we can see in the chart below, there are also some good signs, despite
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the majority of persons being dissatisfied with the lack of responsibility of the national media—48% (54% in September 2016, 57% in January 2016)—we can see a significant progress of the perception of media’s increased responsibility to their audience against the answer ’to a great extent’, i.e. a consistent evolution from 30% to 43% during 2 years." (Main conclusions, page 4)
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"This paper focuses on developmental assistance for new media in years 2007–2017 provided by Poland as donor in its priority partner country – Ukraine. The support given to Ukrainian journalists and media outlets fits Polish democracy assistance strategy within Official Development Assistance (O
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DA). In principle, media assistance aims to improve freedom of speech and freedom of press, and in longer perspective to contribute to the consolidation of democracy. Poland is involved in supporting pro-democratic changes in Ukraine, including media assistance, on the basis of development cooperation act (2013), multiannual development cooperation programmes (2012–2015, 2016–2020) and annual plans (2007–2017). In years 2008–2013 the support for Ukrainian media was maintained and intensified in 2014–2016 in connection with the implementation of ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ dedicated to media assistance and local governance assistance. After the expiration of this program, no more funds were allocated by MFA in 2016–2017 to NGOs activities aimed at promoting the development of independent media. A first bilateral Polish-Ukrainian project concerning new media assistance and financed by Polish Aid was financed in 2012. Since then, NGOs started to include digital literacy and new technologies in projects’ proposals. The trainings of journalists in e.g. new online tools or direct support for establishing digital media outlets were continued until 2016. Six out of eleven media assistance projects implemented within ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ responded to the need of strengthening online media and improving journalists’ skills. Poland seemed also to target its media assistance regarding the needs of Ukraine as recipient of aid. Such tendency was visible on the example of shifts of beneficiaries in 2014–2015. While before the outbreak of armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia Polish support had rather nationwide character, in 2014–2015 many projects concentrated on delivering aid to journalists and media from Eastern Ukraine. The vast majority of project was addressed to professional journalists gaining experiences in working online, while there was no significant interest in empowering Ukrainian bloggers or citizen journalists." (Summary, page 190-191)
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"Journalists in many countries are experimenting with how to build trust and engage with audiences, and our report examines their efforts. In our study we profile organizations that are working to build bridges with their readers, viewers and listeners and deliver relevant news to local audiences. W
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e surveyed 17 organizations and conducted interviews with representatives of 15 organizations, one of which chose to remain anonymous. Among others we spoke to Chequeado in Argentina, GroundUp in South Africa, Raseef 22 in the Middle East, 263 Chat in Zimbabwe, Krautreporter and Correct!v in Germany, as well as Bristol Cable in the UK [...] Although the groups we surveyed are concerned by the broader phenomena of falling trust in media and media credibility, they are also, by necessity, focused on immediate fixes important to their organizations and readerships. Some believe that media credibility depends on engagement with readers. Some place more emphasis on journalism practices, including audience engagement, ethical standards and news gathering practices. The outlets we profiled use digital technology to communicate with audiences. Some also involve their readers in sourcing and sometimes verifying information. Some conduct focus groups and online surveys. Responding to comments online is part of their engagement efforts. Readers appreciate investigative reporting as well as stories that touch on their daily lives [...] There seems to be a tradeoff between audience size and the quality of content produced. Some groups with large followings (Hivisasa and 263Chat) promote headlines and short snippets rather than carrying out deep investigative reporting [...] Several groups said their audience is different from what their founders had originally expected. The reach of the outlets we surveyed is generally not as diverse as they had hoped. Their audiences tend to be educated and urban and, in some cases, include large diaspora communities. The outlets largely cater to niche audiences, but they have broader reach through their online presence and national influence when their stories are picked up by legacy media or other outlets." (https://gijn.org, accessed: June 8, 2018)
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"Age is the key factor that differentiates among children’s online experiences, with gender also significant. One in ten children to one in five young teens say they encountered something worrying or nasty online in the past year. Children’s top worries are pornography and violence; they say the
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y encounter these most often on video-sharing sites, followed by other websites, then social networking sites and games. Children are also concerned about the levels of advertising online, their spending too much time online, inappropriate contacts, rumours and nastiness. Top parent concerns include online violence. There has been little increase or decrease in online risk in recent years, although there are some indications of a rise in hate and self-harm content. It is not possible to determine whether the internet has increased the overall amount of risk children face as they grow up, or whether the internet instead provides a new location for risk experiences, but the nature of the internet itself surely alters and amplifies the consequences." (Executive summary, page 2-3)
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"[Este libro] acerca de manera amena al lector la realidad que hay detrás del éxito de YouTube, un fenómeno que ha transformado la manera de crear y consumir contenido audiovisual [...] Un libro que conecta con el ciclo ‘Youtubers, personas (y cintas de vídeo)’ realizado en el Espacio Fundac
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ión Telefónica, cuyas jornadas han tratado distintas temáticas desde los youtubers especializados en música, videojuegos (gamers) y libros (booktubers), las consecuencias de YouTube como nuevo medio de comunicación, su aplicación en la educación, o sus modelos de negocio; hasta el papel que juegan los youtubers, también, como prescriptores, en busca de conexión con el usuario. De manera exploratoria pero a la vez integral, debate en busca de puntos de encuentro y con cabida para una enorme diversidad de opiniones." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Die vorliegende Studie gliedert sich in einen einführenden Teil, in dem das Phänomen Hate Speech dargestellt ist, und einen empirischen Teil, in dem Äußerungen mit thematischen Bezug zu „Gender“, „Homosexualität“ sowie „Flucht und Islam“ im kirchlichen und diakonischen Rahmen analy
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siert werden. Die anschließenden Kapitel beinhalten eine übergreifende Interpretation der Analyseergebnisse und bieten einen Rahmen zur Einordnung der Hasskommentare und den damit verbundenen Argumentationsstrukturen. Das nun folgende dritte Kapitel beschreibt den Weg vom Phänomen Hate Speech und dem in der Studie zugrunde liegenden Begriffsverständnis bis zu den Zielen und Forschungsanliegen dieses Projekts. Welche Daten zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfragen analysiert werden und welche spezifischen Merkmale sie aufweisen, ist Inhalt des vierten Kapitels. Darauf folgen in Kapitel 5 eine theoretische Einbettung, eine Erläuterung der methodischen Grundlagen und des Forschungsdesigns sowie eine Darstellung der Typisierung des Datenmaterials und des Aufbaus des Kategoriensystems. Im sechsten Kapitel sind in den drei thematischen Abschnitten „Gender“, „Homosexualität“ und „Flucht und Islam“ die zentralen, deskriptiven Befunde der qualitativen Analysen hinsichtlich der unterschiedlichen Formen von Hate Speech systematisch dargestellt. Anschließend ordnen wir diese Resultate im siebten Kapitel in den Bereich Diversität ein, zeichnen die Dynamik von Hate Speech und Kommentar-Verläufen nach, bündeln Erkenntnisse, diskutieren welche Erkenntnisse diese im Hinblick auf Kirche und Diakonie bringen und bieten einige theologische Ansatzpunkte zur Weiterarbeit. Dabei werden die relevanten Argumentationsstrukturen zusammenfassend erläutert. Zudem leiten wir Kriterien zur Einordnung einer degradierenden Sprachhandlung ab und erörtern die Möglichkeiten einer Abgrenzung von Hate Speech. Im Anschluss daran erfolgen in Kapitel 8 sowohl eine Reflexion der Studienergebnisse als auch ein Ausblick auf weiterführende Forschungsfragen." (Seite 17-18)
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