"Young Ugandans are reluctant to voice their concerns and take part in public discussions according to indicative findings from the MIL INDEX country study presented here. The eight focus groups conducted for the study in Kampala and Bugembe early in 2019 revealed that youths are using both traditio
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nal and social media extensively, but discussions of political and public issues take place mainly in closed circles on platforms like WhatsApp. “It is a suffocated environment,” says media expert Gerald Businge.
This MIL INDEX study is aimed at obtaining a concise picture of media- and information-related skills amongst youths under the age of 35 in Uganda. It addresses five dimensions of Media and Information Literacy (MIL) based on DW Akademie’s MIL model: access, analysis, reflection, creation, and action.
The focus group participants see themselves living in the “the dot-com era” though access to the Internet and even television is far from universal in Uganda. The smartphone is the most popular device and it serves as a benchmark when judging more traditional media (radio, television, and newspapers). Social media are used alongside traditional media, but there is a feeling that traditional media, especially radio, are losing touch with the Ugandan youth of today. There is a general neglect of printed media, based on an aversion to long reads and often also difficulties in understanding them. Some participants feel they are addicted to social media and online messengers.
When it comes to analytical skills, the Ugandan youths in the focus groups are not very critical of the media environment they live in despite the overwhelming evidence that state control, intimidation, and media concentration are problems in Uganda. But they do pick up on news bias and sensationalism. They are also aware of the fact that online sources and social media information should not be trusted blindly. Participants can differentiate between quality and tabloid-type media, but an alarming proportion does not know their constitutional right to freedom of expression.
The level of reflection on the part of focus group participants is medium to low. They can render many cases of cyberbullying/hate speech, disinformation and cybercrime, though they are not always aware of the difference. Especially the examples of cyber-harassment that are recounted in the focus groups reveal that female youths are primarily targeted. At the same time there seems to be little in the way of counselling for victims and there was not enough reflection of the background to such malevolent forms of communication. Strategies in coping with them are not very elaborate, though some groups did mention methods of verification in the context of disinformation several times. There is considerable potential for support when it comes to dealing with cyberbullying, cyber-harassment, hate speech and cybercrime." (Executive summary)
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"The young generation in Kenya rejects disinformative and hateful communication. When asked for their opinion on these matters in a representative survey, a majority of 15-25-year-olds evaluated them as “not to be trusted” and “not funny”. This is one of the most important results of DW Akad
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emie’s MIL INDEX study in Kenya. The finding is all the more relevant considering the fact that in the East African country, “propaganda and fake news is a big problem—it is everywhere, in the social media especially,” as Wallace Gichunge of the Kenyan Center for Media and Information Literacy pointed out in an interview conducted for the Study.
The country report presented here is based on the findings of the MIL INDEX study, for which a representative survey, eight focus groups, and eight expert interviews were conducted in Kenya between November 2018 and April 2019. The study focused on five Media and Information Literacy (MIL) skill sets: access, analysis, reflection, creation, and action. For each of these dimensions, survey respondents received a score ranging between 0 (= no skills whatsoever) and 20 (= highest level of skills) points. The scoring system measures how often certain skills are actually put into practice (access, creation, action) or tests the skills directly (analysis, reflection). Since citizens cannot permanently use media and information sources unless they are journalists or media workers, a perfect score of 100 for any country appears unrealistic—it is more about the relative performance across time and in comparison to other countries, as well as being a tool for identifying deficits to be addressed in media development.
The 15-25-year-old Kenyans displayed good skills when it came to analysis (13.1) and action (12.9) and moderate to good skills in terms of reflection (11.4) as well as access (11.9). Deficits were found mainly in the creation dimension (9.9). The total score amounted to 59,2 out of a possible 100." (Executive summary)
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"The article seeks to discuss varied forms of citizen engagement in the era of Internet viral cultures, ranging from (1) the use of social media for online protest, characterised by political contestation and fleeting outbursts of anger and backlash in the Twittersphere, to (2) the appropriation of
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protest messages into humorous viral memes (often oversimplified, ignoring the complexities of the situation and more focused on humour rather than underlying core problems). Four select hashtags during the 2017 Kenyan elections are analysed as frames for collective action within the context of playful participation and “spreadable” media." (Abstract)
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"The growth of the Internet in the last two decades has helped increase political and civic en-gagement and scrutiny. The growth of a digital economy in Kenya has led to the emergence of a vibrant online community with 89.7 % of the population having access to the Internet. This paper examines how K
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enyans on Twitter (KOT) use visuals as a form of political protest. Using an open source data tool, the paper provides results from a qualitative analysis of 200 tweets that drove three political hashtags with a special focus on the most prominent memes, cartoons and pictures. This research finds that #KOT uses visuals to highlight government corruption and incompetence through mockery, condemnation and humour." (Abstract)
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"The 10 countries included in this paper all show specific characteristics and contexts but also show similar barriers. Identifying shared characteristics will facilitate the development of shared approaches to deal with shrinking space. Don’t work in silos!
It’s (also) about upholding the law:
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Lobbying parliament and the government to adopt pro-civic space laws can only be part of a solution. Actions to defend civic space must also target the political will and means to uphold the law.
Target state and non-state actors: Campaigns to promote and protect civic space should target both state and non-state actors.
Analyze the international level: The analysis of civic space infringements should go beyond the national level. Changes to civic space are also the result of international developments, like the war on terror following 9/11, the international war on drugs, the globalization of (the fight against) crime and money laundering, the growth of foreign direct investment (e.g. in land). That international level can be operationalized.
Use innovative strategies: Some organizations mention new, innovative ways of reconquering civic space, involving new target groups. There are inspiring examples of CSOs engaging the creative sector and the arts as a way to achieve societal change. Involve art and pop culture. Seek cross-fertilization between CSOs and (new) media.
Collect best practices: To facilitate shared learning an inventory of strategies and practical methods (best practices) used by civic actors to deal with shrinking civic space would be useful. New approaches, tips and strategies should be shared within a global network of likeminded organizations." (Conclusions and observations, page 11)
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"There is a strong consensus within the governance space that citizen engagement is integral in supporting social accountability and strengthening democracy. The impact of the modalities through which citizens make demands on the degree to which citizens feel empowered to trigger recognition and act
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ion from the duty holders remains an open question, more so in the Kenyan context where citizen engagement and social accountability align to the Constitution’s provisions on “public participation”. To this end, Africa’s Voices bridges this gap by deploying its innovative approach to civic engagement through the ‘Common Social Accountability Platform’ (CSAP) which uses interactive radio shows to achieve meaningful spaces of mediated public discussion between citizens and authorities that are valued by both and strengthens relations between them. The approach also provides evidence of citizen opinions in a form that supports policy action by authorities. In the Strengthening Public Accountability and Integrity Systems (SPAIS) pilot project, AVF focused the intervention on the urban poor settlements of Nairobi through a series of weekly interactive radio shows in three popular radio stations over a period of 2 months (8 shows per station for a total of 24 broadcasts over 8 weeks). While the shows explored a range of issues relevant to corruption, transparency, public participation and accountability, in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the content of the discussions was largely focused on health governance and healthcare service delivery. The topics of discussion included overall citizen experience and satisfaction in healthcare service provision; appropriate utilisation of resources allocated to healthcare for COVID-19; and citizen perceptions of their role in ensuring and monitoring appropriate resource allocation for healthcare. The intervention also served as a mechanism for citizens to air concerns and grievances related to potential corruption incidents in the healthcare sector and beyond. This SPAIS project convenes large-scale, plural and inclusive accountability dialogues between authorities and citizens in urban poor settlements of Nairobi with a view to promote and uphold public accountability and the role that citizens can play in countering corruption, to enhance citizen perceptions of voice and efficacy, government recognition of and engagement with citizens, and ultimately the forging of trust between citizens and authorities. Moreover, this project aims to strengthen citizen engagement in the monitoring of healthcare service delivery in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and to provide trusted spaces for an exchange on matters related to the provision and quality of healthcare services. It envisions to draw rich insights from citizen voices and recommend programme options for UNDP and SPAIS partners to adapt future programming to the needs and opinions of citizens regarding tackling corruption in the health sector." (Introduction, page 7-8)
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"This article examines what drives audience participation in interactive broadcast shows, with implications for the democratic potential of these shows as spaces of citizen engagement and public discussion. It makes three contributions, the first two to audience and media studies and the last to pol
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itical communication. First, it provides evidence to fill a gap in empirical knowledge on what drives audience participation in interactive broadcasts in Africa. “Mediated sociability”—the ways in which audience members are socialized into thinking about interactive broadcast shows as a space in which people like them have a voice— emerges as a strong determinant of audience participation. Second, it then uses this evidence from a non-Western perspective to reinforce the importance of conceptualizing the interactive broadcast show as a convened social space that can enable active citizenship. Third, by advancing scholarship on audiences and publics, the article deepens our understanding on the democratic significance of interactive broadcast in Africa and beyond." (Abstract)
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"The report documents the threats to civil society in the digital age by examining the legislative and regulatory framework in four countries in Africa: Egypt, Sierra Leone, Uganda and Zambia. These countries were selected from the four main geographic regions of Africa, in order to provide a sense
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of the state of civic engagement in the digital age across the continent. The case studies are clearly not representative of what is happening on the continent, but are illustrative of some prominent trends. The recommendations emanating from the research call for the states to revise and repeal identified restrictive laws and align them with international standards. Civil society organisations and human rights activists are also encouraged to enhance their individual and organizational digital knowledge and expertise to more robust counter disruptive state measures. This expertise should be enhanced through a human rights lens and should extend to other stakeholders including judicial officers, legislators, law enforcement and the general public through sustained multi-stakeholder engagement." (Executive summary, pages 7-8)
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"Social media platforms have become powerful tools to amplify and share narratives. Like many evolving technologies, platforms such as Twitter or Facebook may be used for social good or for ill. Digital vigilantism (whereby social media platforms are used for organised shaming, hounding or doxing of
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a target deemed by the online community to have transgressed norms) may have real-world consequences. In extreme cases this may result in acts of ‘terrorism’ or other forms of unlawful killing. Yet while digital vigilantism may appropriate traditional law enforcement mechanisms, in some cases it may also try to hold law enforcement to account. Key points: Digital vigilantism, including using video material, is found in Kenya and South Africa, with doxing and hounding observed in conversations about foreigners in South Africa and police brutality in Kenya; in Kenya, digital vigilantism seeks to hold traditional law enforcement mechanisms to account through acts of shaming, usually without usurping their powers; in South Africa, digital vigilantism did at times seems to seek to usurp traditional law enforcement; in both countries, engagement and promotion of new ideas was minimal; key influencers leverage existing networks to amplify their messages, including by using video material – some of it fake – to extend their reach." (Summary)
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"This publication is the outcome of the “East Africa Regional Peace Journalism Training Workshop” for journalists covering conflict and peacebuilding in East Africa. Organized by Rongo University’s Center for Media, Democracy, Peace, and Security (CMDPS) in partnership with the African Peacebu
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ilding Network (APN) of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC), the two-day event brought together journalists from five East African countries—Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda—to develop their capacity for reporting on conflict-related issues in an objective manner based on the tenets of the theory and practice of peace journalism." (Introduction)
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"Offering a collection of invited contributions from scholars across the world, the volume is structured in seven parts, each exploring a particular aspect of local media and journalism that provide the framework to bring together and consolidate the latest research and theorisations from the field,
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and fresh understandings of local media from a comparative perspective and within a global context. Addressing the significant changes local media and journalism has undergone in the last decade, the companion explores the history, politics, ethics and contents of local media, as well as delving deeper into the business and practices that affect not only the journalists and media-makers involved, but consumers as well. For students and researchers in the fields of journalism studies, journalism education, cultural studies and media and communications programmes, this is the comprehensive guide to local media and journalism." (Publisher description)
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"As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to spread across Africa, educators, policy makers, parents, and pupils face uncertainty about the path forward. In Kenya, the government has halted all in-person teaching at the primary and secondary levels and moved to remote teaching. Survey findings show, howev
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er, how unequal access to the necessary technology is in Kenya. While regular Internet use has grown fourfold in the past decade, half of Kenyans remain offline. This is especially common in poor, rural, and less educated families, who face the prospect of being left even further behind. Radio caters to the broadest audience in Kenya, though teaching possibilities are no doubt more limited than online. To ensure inclusion and participation in online learning in the medium and longer term, the government will need to activate plans and investments capable of building e-learning infrastructure that facilitates access for all students." (Conclusion)
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"The Ethiopian government restricts freedom of expression on the internet and has adopted extraneous limiting measures. Most of these measures are incompatable with the African Charter. Restrictions to freedom of expression on the internet include internet shutdowns, hate speech and disinformation r
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egulation, repressive laws, and internet censorship. These limitations may (in)directly muzzle freedom of expression in Ethiopia. The writer argues that illegitimate limitations of the right fall short of the quadruple tests of limitation measures, both under the African Charter and the Ethiopian Constitution. As a result, these limitations violate individuals’ freedom of expression on the internet. Finally, the article suggests that the Ethiopian government should draw guidance from the African Commission’s 2019 Declaration on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information containing rules on limitation measures imposed on freedom of expression on the internet." (Summary)
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"This book presents five cases that reflect on the experiences of using practices consistent with the 'Evaluating C4D framework' [published by June Lennie and Jo Tacchi in 2013]. Case studies are important to help move from a set of ideal principles to an understanding of how the framework may be op
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erationalized within the actual realities of development institutions, organizations, and communities. The authors of each chapter focus on a few key principles from the framework and contextualize how they interpreted those principles in relation to various methods, models, and projects. As well as showing the usefulness and opportunities, they illustrate the challenges of balancing the various principles as well as real-world practical needs." (Overview of the book, page 10)
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"According to the largely young, mostly educated female listeners interviewed in this study, Radio Ergo focuses on important humanitarian and social issues in Somalia and is refreshingly free from clan politics. The radio stimulates rich and healthy discussions and dialogues among Somalis living ins
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ide and outside the country and provides much needed information that can transform their lives. These female listeners see Radio Ergo as laying the foundation for a much-needed space where vulnerable populations can have a voice, articulate their specific needs, access humanitarian assistance, and communicate their needs to humanitarian organizations. In addition, the radio is generating healthy dialogue and debate for the people of Somalia, who have borne the brunt of the protracted conflict and natural disasters. Radio Ergo allows its female listeners to recognize their roles and responsibilities as citizens engaged in rebuilding their lives in a new Somalia. Despite successes and achievements, the participants in Mogadishu and Baidoa noted areas for improvement. They wanted an expansion of broadcasting hours and many additional programmes and topics, as indicated above. They were particularly interested in programming on migration and women. They also wanted to hear more female voices on the radio, even though they recognized that Radio Ergo pays more attention to gender inclusion than most other radios in Somalia." (Conclusion)
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"For the fifth year in a row, Somalia tops the Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) Global Impunity Index on countries where those who kill journalists escape prosecution. The Somali authorities rarely investigate cases of killings or attacks on journalists, media outlets and critics. At least
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eight journalists were killed in south central Somalia and Puntland since 2017 when president Farmajo took office. Four of the journalists were killed in 2018 and two in 2019. Another journalist survived – albeit with serious injuries – an attempt on his life in 2018 when an improvised explosive device (IED) was fitted to his car and detonated. Aside from two cases including one in which a policeman who killed a journalist in Mogadishu in 2018 was convicted in absentia, no one has been held accountable for the killings or the attempted killings of the other journalists. The policeman remains at large." (Executive summary)
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"This collection charts the emergence of modern science communication across the world. This is the first volume to map investment around the globe in science centres, university courses and research, publications and conferences as well as tell the national stories of science communication. How did
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it all begin? How has development varied from one country to another? What motivated governments, institutions and people to see science communication as an answer to questions of the social place of science? Communicating Science describes the pathways followed by 39 different countries. All continents and many cultures are represented. For some countries, this is the first time that their science communication story has been told." (Publisher description)
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