"This article highlights how one online news organisation in the global south, with no more than three staff and no foreign correspondents, strategically used multiple wire service feeds to successfully cover a significant story more comprehensively than its better-endowed co-owner. It compares the
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timeliness and comprehensiveness of coverage of this century's first genocide in Darfur, Sudan, by the United Kingdom's Guardian (UKG) and its co-owned South African Mail & Guardian Online (MGO). Despite the 3 000 miles distance between Darfur and Johannesburg, its lack of foreign reporters and few staff, the MGO covered the Darfur crisis earlier, with better attention to detail and specifics. The MGO staff expressed surprise at their more comprehensive coverage, and credited the clarity that came from their primary gatekeeping focus on Africa as the reason." (Abstract)
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"The purpose of the study is to provide baseline data and research-driven recommendations to help inform and later evaluate the impact of ‘Action for Transparency’. Action for Transparency is a three-year, media-for-development programme, managed by Fojo and its partners and funded by the Swedis
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h International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). The programme is designed to help tackle corruption and mismanagement of government funds in Zambia and Uganda by putting the power to change in the hands of citizens. Action for Transparency comprises three phases of targeted interventions designed to catalyse a culture of accountability and transparency through a ripple out effect. The three phases include: 1. Training for up to 4,000 journalists, civil society representatives and public sector employees in Zambia and Uganda on how to access, analyse and communicate information on government spending. 2. Development of ICT tools, including an online application (app) which enables users to compare the amount of government money pledged to specific schools and health clinics against their own observations of what appears to have been spent. 3. Public awareness campaign, through which those who took part in the initial training will launch and champion the new ICT tools, nationally, and raise awareness through a range of promotional activities. This study presents baseline data and findings that will inform and later help evaluate the overall3 impact of the three phases on participating journalists and civil society representatives, and their capacity to (a) access (b) analyse and (c) communicate information about government spending." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This study shows how women and women’s organisations in Central America and southern Africa use media for social development. One of the milestones of the women’s movement was the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. Section J of the Platform for Action, which was a result of th
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e conference, defined concrete goals for the area of women and media. These goals have still not been met, as the Global Media Monitoring Report, which is published every 5 years, shows. The first part of this study examines the situation. The second part of the study focuses on the debate on the right to communicate in the 20th and 21st century, which reached a peak in 1980 with the publication of the MacBride report, and provides an overview of important organisations in the field of media. The third part looks at different definitions of community and alternative media and highlights the differences between them and state-owned, public, and commercial media. It also provides a closer look at the media landscape of the regions under review, Central America and southern Africa. The fourth and final part shows examples of strategies individual women and women’s organisations use to spread their messages through the media and achieve social change." (Introduction)
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"Over five years Facebook has grown from practically no users in Sub-Saharan Africa to become the most widely used social media platform. In the four countries where face-to-face surveys were carried out for this research, between 14% (Tanzania) and 27% (Ghana) of all respondents were using it [...]
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Over the last five years, the number of Africans who own or have access to mobile phones, computers, laptops, smartphones and tablets has grown considerably. These both act as media carriers (a mobile with a radio or TV receiver) or a media in their own right (a mobile accessing the Internet and Social Media). African newspapers face the same dilemma as many developed country newspapers. Their print version generates almost all of their revenues but increasingly their online users are either close to or above their print readership." (Page 8)
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"Mobile ownership in all of the four surveys [in Ghana, Nothern Nigeria, Senegal and Tanzania] was around 90%, making the mobile phone the most widely owned device media device, both used as a media carrier (radio) and a media in its own right (Internet, SMS) [...] Radio remains the dominant medium
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for obtaining news and information and only in Ghana (where electricity access is wider) does TV come close to the percentage of those listening to radio. In each of the countries examined, the media has been liberalized and the radio and TV audiences are fragmented so that only a relatively small number of players reach over 25% of the audience [...] As the continent’s most owned device, the mobile phone is used most regularly for: voice calls; radio; SMS; Internet and Social Media. Between a fifth and a third of all those surveyed used the Internet on a daily basis [...] Between 14-27% of all those surveyed used social media and the dominant platform is Facebook [...] Radio and TV channels scored most highly in terms of those surveyed trusting the health information they heard on saw on them. The level of trust in these channels in Senegal was significantly lower than in the other countries." (Summary, page 5-9)
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"Feature phone users are significantly more likely to use the Internet almost as much radio and TV for news and information. This is not an either/or set of choices but the Internet is part of the range of media they use. Internet is in second position in Nigeria, third position in Ethiopia and Keny
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a; fourth position in Ghana and fifth position in South Africa. This is behind TV, radio and sometimes friends and family. Social media was used by around two-thirds of respondents or slightly less in all countries except Ethiopia. A quarter to a third of all respondents obtained information using the Internet from NGOs." (Summary, page 6)
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"China’s concessionary loans and support to development projects have tended to shift balances of power by favouring certain actors over others and have challenged existing development paradigms, revitalizing ideas of the developmental state. Building on fieldwork conducted in Ghana, Ethiopia, and
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Kenya this article explains to which extent China’s entrance in the media and telecommunication sector actually challenges the dominant, Western-driven approaches to media development, promoting a state centred vision of the information society." (Abstract)
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"While development journalism was mainly a top-down form of communication (authoritative) during the socialistic era, in the liberal era the development-oriented journalists draw on both the Social Responsibility and Libertarian Theories of the media. The ‘state–public service’ broadcasters re
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flect more of the former while commercial broadcasters employ more of the latter. The programme analysis showed that a gender focused development-oriented journalism is more likely to be practiced in the ‘state–public service’ than in commercial broadcasting." (Abstract)
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"The study examined various sampled media content and interviewed key informants to understand professional and ethical considerations informing media coverage of terror, religious extremism and radicalisation. From the findings, it is evident that the media somehow contributes to the propagation of
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the dominant narratives that: People of Somali origin are potential terrorists; all Muslims are potential terrorists because most suspects arrested are Muslims; and that Islam preaches and supports radicalisation and extremism, among other narratives. The study reveals that journalists now face serious security risks especially in the coastal region following perceived media biases. In fact, some have been attacked or threatened. The media does not strictly adhere to professional tenets and code of conduct. Some of the noted violations include use of bloody pictures and abhorrent scenes, inability to separate fact from commentary; and use of single news sources which creates impressions of biased reporting. Journalists should equally be careful about words and phrases they use when reporting terrorism and associated issues. They should promote diversity, and have different voices and perspectives on terrorism, religious and radicalisation issues. Consequently, promotion of inter-religious dialogue through the media is important in ensuring a cohesive society. The media should also go beyond superficial reporting and critically interrogate social, economic and political issues and provide a platform for better understanding of the problems that face society." (Executive summary)
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"Somaliland needs legal, policy and institutional reforms in order to avoid arbitrary and politically motivated interference with the dissemination of information and opinions to the public. This is the conclusion of one of the papers presented at the 4th Annual Conference organized by the Social Re
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search and Development Institute (SORADI). With a focus on media development, the conference in Hargeisa on August 24 and 25 [2013] brought together representatives from government institutions, policy makers, civil society as well as academics, journalists, international scholars, and traditional leaders to discuss, debate and exchange ideas on press freedom in Somaliland's young democracy. With 57 licensed newspapers, 8 TV stations, 108 news websites but only one public radio station the first contribution to the discussion centered on the media industry, its practices and the lack of enforcement of regulatory frameworks. Lessons from what the author of the second paper called "Africa's freedom of speech dilemma" guided the conversation on what there is to learn for Somaliland. Further afield, the third paper dealt with the role of the Diaspora in shaping the media landscape in Somaliland. As part of the discussion on professional media practices, the fourth presentation looked at challenges of Somaliland Universities to offer relevant studies programmes. Debating the intricate issue of balancing rights and responsibilities of media, the fifth paper looked at the performance of the media during the time of elections. The final paper summarised promises and challenges of media freedom in Somaliland." (https://ke.boell.org)
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"In the early 1990s, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa’s most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of
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its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution’s most ambitious goals." (Abstract)
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"Education and language skills are the main factors that influence which platform women access most frequently. Daily TV use is similar for men and women but women tend to lag men in frequent radio and internet use. Once a country reaches a critical mass in mobile penetration, gaps between both male
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and female ownership levels decrease. The largest gaps exist in countries that are still developing mobile capacity." (Summary, page 35)
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"The Ethiopian government, led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has developed one of the most restrictive systems for the regulation of new media in Africa. So far, most discussion has focused on the measures employed by the EPRDF to prevent the Internet and mobile p
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hones from becoming tools for opposition forces to challenge the regime. Much less attention has been paid to the strategies pursued in order to make new media work in support of the government's ambiguous but ambitious attempt to make Ethiopia a developmental state. Examining the period between 1991 and 2012, this article explores how the EPRDF gradually moved from a simple strategy of information control towards incorporating new media into its state- and nation-building efforts through large-scale projects such as Woredanet and Schoolnet. Larger trends at the international level, including the securitization of development and the growing significance of China in Africa, have legitimated the use of the media to serve development outcomes, and have facilitated the spread of the kind of ‘developmental media system’ that has emerged in Ethiopia. The article concludes that only by engaging with these systems on their own terms and “going with the grain” can we develop a better understanding of how they work and how to change them." (Abstract)
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"To better understand who participates in media-driven public discussion and opinion-making, this working paper presents the results of a randomised household survey implemented in four constituencies in Kenya and Zambia, one urban and one rural constituency in each country. The survey was conducted
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as part of Politics and Interactive Media in Africa (PiMA), a collaborative research project analysing the nature and political implications of expressions of public opinion in broadcast media in Kenya and Zambia, via new information and communication technologies (ICT) such as mobile phones. This paper presents descriptive survey results that are the basis of a deeper comparative analysis of drivers of listenership and participation in interactive broadcast media shows, also published in the PiMA Working Paper series. Nevertheless, a few results are highlighted here. The survey reveals that level of radio listenership of interactive shows in the two Kenyan constituencies is high, particularly in Kenya, ranging between 80-90%, whereas in Zambia listenership levels range between 40-60%, contrasting with listenership to radio shows generally (70-85%). Radio listeners tend to listen to all types of shows, from politics and development shows to social/cultural and music/entertainment shows. Yet country differences in interactive show listenership are not reflected in the levels of participation in interactive radio shows. Both in Kenya and in Zambia, roughly 20% of the total population have participated at one time or another in interactive shows. However, contrasting with listenership, participation tends to be more segmented across types of shows. Rural and urban constituencies show an inverse pattern of participation in Kenya and Zambia, with higher levels of participation in the urban sample from Zambia (21% versus 12% in the rural), and the rural sample from Kenya (21% versus 19% in the urban). Across the four sites, male and more educated listeners are more likely to engage interactive shows. Three to four times more men engage in interactive shows than women. Of the women who participate in interactive shows, they tend to be younger, single, more educated and wealthier compared with those who do not participate. Calling in to the studio is the most frequent form of engagement in radio shows, especially in rural areas. SMS is more popular in urban constituencies, particularly in Kenya. Only 10% of those who have participated in interactive media shows have ever used social media to communicate with stations. Across all sites, the main barriers to participation identified are cost and expectations of not getting through." (Abstract and introduction, page 4)
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"On 1 August 2013, heavy rains in the Sudan triggered flash floods that affected more than 530 000 citizens. The government failed to aid those affected and created a media blackout. More than 12 000 Sudanese volunteers created a horizontal network of citizens participating in a community-led initia
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tive. The Nafeer campaign united the fragmented discourse, demonstrating that using ICTs to mobilise citizens is not contingent on the number of people with access, but on how access is channeled." (Abstract)
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"Radio was found to be the most frequently used media channel with 46% of the respondents listening to radio on a daily basis and a further 30% listenership on a weekly basis. Newspapers were found to be the least used media with 22% of the respondents reading newspapers less than once a month. The
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overall perception on all media is that they are mostly informing electorate and influencing choice of leaders with up to 29% attesting to this. Fewer respondents at 10% feel that media is
exposing poor leadership. Comparing the different media, TV was found to have more influence on service delivery than the other media with 18% followed by Radio and Newspapers with 14% and 8% respectively. On the other hand, Newspapers were found to play the greatest role in exposing poor leadership with 16%. Radio was found to be the main source of actionable knowledge compared to the other media at 14% though this is closely followed by TV and Newspapers at 13% and 12% respectively. All three media are generally doing poor in influencing perceptions on social issues with Newspapers leading at only 6%. Majority of the newspapers, radio and TV stations are almost similar in programming areas with little differentiation. Few newspapers come out strongly in specific coverage areas. The major dislike for many programmes and stations is the limited time allocation. Media consumers generally feel that the media outlets would perform better if they improved reach and improved on level of programming." (Executive summary)
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