"According to Dissanayake, the Sarvodaya movement encompasses the ideal of the harmonious social order and the principle of self-reliance and self-transformation as envisioned and encouraged by Buddhist teaching. The Sarvodaya movement also duly asserts that the idea of development should include no
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t merely materialistic and economic advancement but also moral growth and social fulfilment. Dissanayake outlines four main approaches to communication and development and succintly states that it is the notion of self-reliance that distinguishes the Sarvodaya movement from the dominant paradigm of development communication." (Page 467)
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"Although it is often viewed negatively in the West, silence is interpreted as a sign of interpersonal sensitivity, mutual respect, a sens of personal dignity, affirmation, and wisdom in the cultural context of India. At the individual level, silence serves as the means for the individual soul to ac
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hieve union with the universal spirit in the Hindu practice of yoga. At the interpersonal level, silence is used in Indian social interactions to maintain harmony, avoid conflict, and exert punishment. At the public level, as manifested in the Gandhian movement of satyagraha, self-restraint, patience, and protest against social and political injustice are communicated in silence and particularly significant in the civic sphere of Indian life. Jain and Matukumalli urge communication scholars and students to recognize and realize the value of silence and its full potential in intracultural and intercultural interactions." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes the framing of Norwegian media coverage of the war against terror in Afghanistan with special emphasis on the coverage of the Norwegian military presence in Afghanistan. Norwegian forces became involved in a military intervention for the first time since the Second World War w
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hen ex-Yugoslavia was attacked in April 1999. At that time, Norway provided military support for the invasion and placed fighter planes and Norwegian pilots at the disposal of NATO. The war in Afghanistan represented an additional dimension, with Norwegian ground forces taking part in the hunt for al-Qaida fighters in the mountains of Afghanistan. The purpose of this article is to give a picture of Norwegian media coverage of the war in Afghanistan, with a special emphasis on the coverage of Norway's role in the conflict. As a small country with traditionally close relations to US, Norway had to balance, like many other small countries, between the need to uphold its traditional policy of complying with international law, and the desire to avoid provoking the USA with criticism and actions that could be regarded as disloyal and thus harm the bilateral relationship. This dilemma must also be seen as a problem for the mainstream media, which traditionally has been loyal to Norwegian security policy. Two main issues are discussed: 1. How was the start of the war covered in the media in October 2001? 2. In what context was the Norwegian military presence covered? The two newspapers analyzed are Aftenposten and VG. The choice of these two newspapers was made to include Norway's largest and potentially most influential morning paper (Aftenposten) and its largest tabloid, as well as largest newspaper (VG). Quantitative as well as qualitative methods are used to analyze the coverage. Both Aftenposten's and VG's coverage on the first day of the war in Afghanistan are dominated by pro-US framing and the use of Western sources. The pro-US framing is more obvious in Aftenposten than in VG. The editorial in VG was more unconditionally supportive than the editorial in Aftenposten. VG is also much clearer in its framing of Norway as a potential victim of future acts of terror. Norway's role as a potential military actor in the region is at this stage virtually absent in both newspapers. The legal aspects are mentioned in the two newspapers, though in a very superficial manner. Neither of the newspapers focuses on potential "hidden agendas" in their news coverage. No issue is made of the USA's potential global interests or the issue of controlling oil flows from the region. Aftenposten, in its coverage of an attack on a wedding party, treats this incident as "collateral damage" and in no way links it to Norway's military presence. Norway is simply a "loyal ally" receiving praise from the US for doing a "good job"." (Abstract)
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"Contributors to the volume explore various questions concerning the opportunities and constraints for governance associated with the startling growth in digital technologies in the Global South. In areas of limited statehood, places where the reach of the state is limited and weak, can mobile phone
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s, geographical information systems, and other digital technologies help fill the governance vacuum? In general, Livingston and Walter-Drop conclude with the contributors that where missing governance is information-based (bits), digital technology has a tremendous impact. Yet a major constraint is found in its ability to fill the governance vacuum concerning the provision of material collective goods (atoms)." (Abstract)
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"Seit einigen Jahren zeigt das afghanische Fernsehen zahlreiche Krimis und Dokumentationen von Gerichtsprozessen. Sie werden von Afghanen produziert, aber aus dem Ausland finanziert, unter anderem von der Europäischen Kommission, den Vereinten Nationen und der US-amerikanischen Entwicklungsagentur
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USAID. Gegenwärtig laufen insgesamt sechs derartige Fernsehserien und vier Radioprogramme. Obwohl sie ernsthafte Absichten verfolgen, werden sie ohne viel Aufwand hergestellt; die Kampfszenen etwa werden in den Straßen von Kabul improvisiert. In Afghanistan galten in den vergangen zwanzig Jahren mindestens drei völlig unterschiedliche Rechtsordnungen; die staatlichen Behörden genießen wenig Vertrauen und nur wenige Leute wissen, wie eine moderne Justiz funktioniert. Deshalb sind diese Krimiserien hilfreich: Sie vermitteln wertvolle Informationen über die Funktionsweise von Gerichten, und sie machen den Afghanen bewusst, dass alle Bürger vor dem Gesetz gleich behandelt werden müssen. Der Erfolg dieser Produktionen stellt einige im Westen verbreitete Vorstellungen über Aufbau- und Entwicklungshilfe in Afghanistan und anderen kriegsgeschädigten Ländern in Frage. Zwar ist es nicht neu, Radio- und Fernsehsendungen in den Dienst der Entwicklungspolitik zu stellen. Das Kinderhilfswerk UNICEF verknüpft schon seit langem Aufklärung und Unterhaltung in seiner Arbeit: In Indien finanziert es Hörspiele, die zur Verbesserung der Gesundheit von Müttern und Kindern beitragen sollen; in Afrika unterstützt es mobile Kinos, die nach einem kurzen informativen Vorspann populäre Filme zeigen. In der Praxis spielen solche Projekte bei Impfkampagnen, in der Bildungsarbeit und bei der Verbesserung der Hygiene eine wichtige Rolle. Doch viele Organisationen, die mit öffentlichen Mitteln arbeiten, scheuen sich bisher, mit Hilfe von Unterhaltungssendungen Aufklärung zu betreiben." (Einleitung)
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"PakVotes, a pilot project supported by the U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP), used social media platforms and a network of reporters located in areas outside of major cities in Pakistan to track violence during the 2013 elections. The project offers lessons that could guide future efforts to use socia
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l media to record and publicize conflicts and the use of violence during elections and other major events. The hashtag #PakVotes trended for several days around elections, serving as a popular alternative news source to the mainstream media, which was not as diverse in its geographic coverage, sources or story types." (Page 1)
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"Understanding how the British media has framed British aid efforts to Afghanistan is imperative to successfully campaign for continued public support for the long term development of the country. This is especially important given the scheduled troop withdrawal in 2014, which many commentators have
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cautioned is likely to result in a decrease in media interest on Afghanistan. This report investigates Afghanistan in the British print media from December 2008 to November 2013. Specifically, it focuses on the British print media’s portrayal of British aid efforts in Afghanistan in 2013. The report aims to provide the British and Irish Agencies Afghanistan Group (BAAG) with an understanding of the amount of coverage Afghanistan has received, how the British print media has framed British aid efforts in Afghanistan in 2013, the obstacles and influences that journalists face in reporting on Afghanistan, and how journalists perceive this narrative to unfold given the political developments ahead. The findings of this report are drawn from a Nexis UK search, a content analysis and interviews conducted with key journalists reporting on Afghanistan." (Executive summary)
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"Among the many topics discussed here are the difference among specific media formats, including television, newspapers, radio, film and photography; policy issues; and the challenge that new media poses to governance in a developing nation faced with innumerable economic, social and political probl
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ems. Eschewing the currently dominant development communication model, the editors argue that market forces rather than planned state interventions will contribute to a more equitable communication environment." (Publisher description)
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Provides indicators of performance along 9 parameters: 1. Content Generation and Programming; 2. Policies and Guidelines; 3. Volunteers; 4. Technology: Access and Management; 5. On-Air Standards of Broadcasting; 6. Governance; 7. Feedback and Grievances; 8. Content Sharing and Networking; 9. Revenue
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Generation and Financial Accountability. Themes such as participation, inclusion, gender, and capacity-building cut across the 9 parameters.
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"122 Indian community radio stations present their background, programming focuses and contact details." (commbox)
"This document details the current situation in seven out of 14 Community Radios in operation in Bangladesh at present. While one of the motives behind this study is to see how these young stations are faring and catering programmes to the target audiences, but definitely the study's scope is not li
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mited to that only. Rather, a major thrust of this whole exercise is to see and explore the sustainability aspects of this community media that Bangladesh is exposed to only in recent years. The National Strategy for the Implementation of Community Radio policy places the government at the centre, having two pivotal roles: as regulator and facilitator, to enable community radios to become full-fledged partners in the development process of Bangladesh. In doing so, government laid out rules of the game for operation of the Community Radio and gave licenses to some Community Radios of which 14 are already on air for last three years while a few more are in the pipeline to join the league. This study appreciates that despite many odds, the Community Radios, if not all - many of them, have succeeded in winning hearts of their target audiences. Some of these stations are quite popular among the communities they serve. And that again against the reality that people, even in the rural Bangladesh today are having well access to national and local newspapers and scores of satellite television channels. It is well captured from this study that amidst the milieu of so many other interesting and colorful audio-video, print and online media platforms, many of these Community Radio stations have succeeded in eking out a niche for them." (Executive summary)
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"Using elements of framing and grounded theory, a qualitative interpretive case study analysis of environment and sustainability related articles from a leading English language fortnightly magazine in India reveals that highly emotive frames are being used in media construction of the environment a
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nd sustainability discourse in India. While the research findings suggest that stock themes from the international framing repertoire are in use, they also indicate that distinctive new frames are being employed that could assist in instigating social change and refashioning public attitudes." (Abstract)
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"This manual is an opportunity for the Civil Peace Service (CPS) networks to share the experiences of some of the people and organisations who use theatre as a tool for communication, change and peace. You will find theoretical bases, concrete examples related to the contents and some techniques and
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methods we would like to make available to as wide an audience as possible. While the goal is not to turn you into professional entertainers, you will find techniques, tips, and other people's hands-on experiencience in the discipline. The purpose of this manual is to de-dramatise the art of the sketch, the role play, the theatre and add it to the toolkit of the CPS peace workers. This is theatre practice as a tool for reflection and communication, for expressing emotions and points of view, be they diametrically opposed, which can open a chink in apparently sealed situations weighed down in dead ends or which seem to be impossible to resolve and let some light into conflicts between people and communities. All the experiences described in this manual have been developed in a community-based way with the help of experienced peace workers and African artists." (Introduction)
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"This paper compares and contrasts four centers: The Center for Investigative Reporting in Bosnia-Herzegovina (CIN), The Journalism Training and Research Initiative in Bangladesh (JATRI), the Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism in Jordan (ARIJ), and The Caucasus Media Investigations Center (
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CMIC) in Azerbaijan. No officials or funders ever announce failures or label projects like these failures. But this paper posits that those centers designed and run by journalists to actively report are more effective in fulfilling their role as watch-dogs, as well as more sustainable. They perform better at developing future practitioners and instilling an investigative reporting tradition in new places. This examination suggests that donors hoping to implant successful centers increase their chances when they match ambitions to the political and legal climate of host countries, commit to multi-year involvement, and select passionate leaders with clout in the eyes of other journalists in their host regions. This study suggest that centers designed by outsiders and run by non-journalists tend to evolve into generalized research, resource and training centers." (Introduction)
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"This is the first collection to de-Westernize the scholarship on women, politics and media by: 1) highlighting the latest research on countries and regions that have not been ‘the usual suspects’; 2) featuring a diverse group of scholars, many of non-Western origin; 3) giving voice through pers
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onal interviews to politically active women, thus providing the reader with a rare insight into women's agency in the political structures of emerging democracies. Each chapter examines the complex women, politics and media dynamic in a particular nation-state, taking into consideration the specific political, historic and social context. With 23 case studies and interviews from Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, Central and Eastern Europe, Asia, Russia and the former Soviet republics, this volume will be of interest to students, media scholars and policy makers from developed and emerging democracies." (Publisher description)
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