"Particular political and business interests seem to overpower any notion of public interest in the financial relations between government and the media. The public interest that these financial patterns should in theory serve remains under-articulated and unmonitored with a lack of clear criteria,
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transparency and developed remedial mechanisms. Minimum guarantees of political independence are not provided in the schemes of government funding for media, with political bodies directly deciding on the allocation of funds." (Commentary)
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"The outflow of money from state/public funds to the media has for years been unreasonable and non-transparent. Therefore, the ultimate goal of the ongoing media reforms is to introduce certain control and transparency through privatisation of state-owned media and introduce co-financing of media pr
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ojects pursuing public interest." (Conclusions)
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"The main objective of the study was to determine and examine the perception of journalists in Kosovo on freedom of media, based on 27 indicators of the European Council. The analysis is categorized in six sectors, covering all areas of the study that pertain significant information on the perceptio
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n of journalists and media freedom: legal perspective and applicability for freedom of expression and information; self-regulatory media mechanisms; media bias and professionalism; institution transparency with regard to media; interference in media; safety in journalism." (Introduction)
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"For this assessment more than 390 surveys were made in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey [...] In addition to the survey a further 150 in-depth interviews were held, complemented by a Focus Group in each country, which
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provided useful background and analytical information for the narrative parts of this report. The baseline assessment focused on the 4 objectives of the Guidelines: 1. Enabling environment and resulting responsibilities of main actors, 2. Advancing media to a modern level of internal governance, 3. Qualitative and trustworthy investigative journalism available to citizens and 4. Increasing capacity and representativeness of journalist professional organisations. In respect of the enabling environment the survey findings show that most countries have made reasonable or good progress in the field of establishing legislation and most have sufficient provisions to guarantee freedom of expression. However, there remains a serious problem in the proper implementation of the legislation ..." (Page 10)
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"This report gives forecasts for online video spend and consumption, where available, for 40 markets in which online video is at varying stages of development. From markets such as Singapore, where 85% of the population claims to access online video (according to GlobalWebIndex, 2014), to countries
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where online video is still in its early stages of growth, what we see is that online video consumption has risen sharply over the past few years and has begun to attract budget-switching from TV advertising. TV remains, of course, the world’s most popular advertising channel, and will be so for some years yet. Nevertheless, networks and studios are having to adapt to the new importance of digital." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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"This article investigates the extent to which Serbian media institutions that have been initiated and supported through media assistance programmes have actually reached a level of sustainability and functionality. Analysing the establishment and transformation of public service broadcasters in Ser
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bia, the author discusses the main achievements, failures and challenges of media assistance programmes that aim to contribute to Serbia's democratization. As media institutions in transition countries are often designed after similar institutions in Western European democracies, the outcomes regularly differ from the initial model. This article sheds light on the question of what happens to imported models when they are transposed onto the newly evolving media systems of transitional societies using the case of Radio-Television of Serbia." (Abstract)
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"Using Kosovo as its case, this dissertation discusses links between journalism’s historical development, daily practice and potential in a post-war society. In theory on media in post-communist Eastern Europe, journalists and editors are criticized for being unprofessional and for not contributin
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g to development of society. Scholars argue that it is both due to an unwillingness to professionalize as well as historical close ties with politicians. The dissertation applies a three-legged approach; a historical-political analysis discusses how media in Kosovo early developed as arenas of forming national identity, later as tools in ethnic conflicts and wars, but also with brief moments of journalistic professionalism. The news production study in four major newsrooms (Express, Koha Ditore, RTK, and Radio Kontakt Plus) in post-war Kosovo (2005-2006) reveals how journalists and editors continue to battle with the historical aspects of political interference and ethnic conflicts. This study shows that the challenges of the past continue in the post-1999 war environment, also in times when journalists and editors have attended numerous training courses in Kosovo. The international media support, with a goal of professionalizing the journalists, has had limited effect, the study reveals. Instructors and media support organizations did not utilize the journalists’ experience in their eagerness to implement western journalistic standards. Neither did they understand the massive political pressure in Kosovo. The dissertation concludes that in order to assist media development in Kosovo, media support must to a larger degree be aware of the links between the historical-political lack of journalistic autonomy, today’s post-war practice in the newsrooms, and the journalists’ previous experience. In this, there is a potential capital that can be utilized." (Abstract)
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"This publication opens up a path for dialogue and better mutual understanding among media actors in the various Western Balkan countries. I see its main value in presenting facts and bringing different perspectives together. This is a promising base to further foster bridges between journalists, re
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porters and media experts. I hope that these bridges will extend to reach wider publics in the region, so that all of us will have a greater understanding and tolerance for the ‘others’." (Foreword)
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"This collection takes the study of diasporic communication beyond the level of simply praising its existence, to offering critical engagements and analysis with the systems of journalistic production, process and consumption practices as they relate to people who are living outside the borders of t
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heir birth nation." (Publisher description)
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"59 percent of the population of Bulgaria do not consider the media to be independent. Many are undecided and only 17 percent believe reporting is free. The crisis of confidence in the media is continuing, according to a study on behalf of the KAS Media Program South East Europe. Citizens also feel
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they are inadequately informed by the politicians. 63 percent take a negative view of politicians’ public relations. A representative sample of 1,100 residents aged 18 and over was interviewed." (Page 1)
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"The report examines what role the internet plays in trafficking in human beings for labour exploitation. It considers in particular methods of online job recruitment and looks at cases studies from several EU Member States – Czech Republic, UK, Ireland, and Romania – and discusses to what exten
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t the internet plays a role and if so, how significant the role of the internet is in facilitating human trafficking. The report provides examples of potential solutions." (Introduction)
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"This report surveys the changing patterns of media consumption in 65 countries across the world, and forecasts how the amount of time people allocate to different media will change between 2014 and 2017. It measures the amount of time spent reading newspapers and magazines, watching television, lis
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tening to the radio, visiting the cinema, using the internet, and viewing outdoor advertising while out of the home. Note that the extent of information available varies considerably from market to market. For some countries we have a full breakdown of consumption figures across all media, with separate figures for desktop and mobile internet, with historical figures back to 2010 and forecasts to 2014, plus monthly breakdowns for consumption across the year, and hourly breakdowns for consumption across the day. For a few countries there is very little research on media consumption trends, so we are able to present only a limited set of figures. We expect the scope of the report to expand in future editions, both by adding new countries and by providing more details for countries where information is currently sparse." (Introduction)
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"USAID’s ProMedia II Regional project, implemented by IREX between 1999 and 2014 provided a flexible tool to support independent media in a time of transition in Europe and Eurasia (E&E). The project supported multi-year, full-time technical assistance projects in three countries: Bulgaria and Alb
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ania from 1999 to 2004 and Macedonia from 2000 to 2004. It gave USAID a platform to follow-up early assistance under another mechanism that gave rise to European Radio for Belarus, which has grown into an important off-shore alternative news source in a country with a largely state-controlled media. It gave IREX an opportunity to turn an idea for measuring a media sector as a whole into the Media Sustainability Index, a respected authority on the state of media in the E&E region. Finally, it served as a tool to fund a number of small-scale regional projects and to bring together disparate media development projects in E&E so that personnel could learn lessons from one another and make use of a strong network of talent working on similar issues." (Executive summary)
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"Non-transparent ownership of media, particularly those financed by foreign capital, continues to burden Montenegrin media scene. Foreign media owners, as a rule, continue to support pro-government editorial policies. Their overall operations raise doubts of existence of clientelistic relations with
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the government. Competition among national broadcasters remains unfair considering that affiliates of the media operating in more countries in the region do not invest even minimum resources in production of the content relevant for Montenegrin audience, although they are obliged to do as holders of national licences. Measures taken to prevent illegal media concentration have given limited results, because they failed to ensure that news and campaigns published by the connected media are not controlled and edited from a single centre." (Conclusions)
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"This study takes it upon itself to present a general overview of the development of online media and social media in Albania, focusing particularly on how professional media outlets use social media. The empirical research focused on monitoring the most widely used social media in Albania, such as
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Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Google+, Instagram and the blogosphere, as well as the six leading online media in Albania, namely top-channel.tv, balkanweb.com, shekulli.com.al, panorama.com.al, albeu.com, and shqiptarja.com. The monitoring covers a one-year period extending from August 2014 to August 2015." (Page 3)
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