"In many ways what is identified today as "cultural globalization" in Eastern Europe has its roots in the Cold War phenomena of samizdat ("do-it-yourself" underground publishing) and tamizdat (publishing abroad). This volume offers a new understanding of how information flowed between East and West
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during the Cold War, as well as the much broader circulation of cultural products instigated and sustained by these practices. By expanding the definitions of samizdat and tamizdat from explicitly political, print publications to include other forms and genres, this volume investigates the wider cultural sphere of alternative and semi-official texts, broadcast media, reproductions of visual art and music, and, in the post-1989 period, new media. The underground circulation of uncensored texts in the Cold War era serves as a useful foundation for comparison when looking at current examples of censorship, independent media and the use of new media in countries like China, Iran, and the former Yugoslavia." (Book cover)
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"Small Cinemas in Global Markets addresses aspects such as identity, revisiting the past, internationalized genres, new forms of experimental cinema, markets and production, as well as technological developments of alternative small screens that open new perspectives into small cinema possibilities.
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Small and big markets for small industries reveal an unimagined diversification of the cultural product and consequently the need to analyze the impact at local, regional, and global levels. Much needed to continue and expand the existing scholarship in the field, this volume is based on research by authors who approach their subject from Western theoretical perspectives with a professional (mostly native) knowledge of the language, cultural realities, and film industry practices. It covers aspects from fifteen different countries, including Bolivia, Brazil, China (Hong Kong), Croatia, East Africa (Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda), Greece, Indonesia, Lithuania, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania, Morocco, and the United States. Since both film and documentary distribution from certain areas of the globe on international markets remains problematic, it is important for the academic field to discuss and circulate them as much as possible, and to create the basis for further exploration." (Publisher description)
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"Within a few short years, the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) and the Independent Media Commission (IMC) have successfully established a model of media regulation and selfregulation familiar to Western democracies. This follows a historic period of state or partisan influence in print media and broad
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casting. The achievements of the IMC and PCK should not be underestimated. However, both organisations now face a series of significant challenges. All leaders of the media industry and civil society interviewed for this study believe public awareness of the Press Council of Kosovo and the Independent Media Commission is poor, especially in the case of the IMC. Continual funding crises limit their effectiveness and capacity for future development." (Page 4)
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"This report, which has been produced by a group of distinguished journalists and their supporters, examines the broad scope of the crisis. It covers countries where media are on the frontline of tough political battles, such as Egypt and Turkey. In Ukraine, for instance, the practice of paid-for jo
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urnalism is a tool routinely used by politicians at election time. The same is true in India. In other countries, including Nigeria, Philippines, and Colombia the precarious working conditions of news staff provide fertile conditions for corruption and “brown envelopes” or under-the-table cash payments to reporters and editors which are a routine feature of journalistic work. The struggles facing journalists in settled democracies, such as the United Kingdom and Denmark, are less brazen, but no less challenging and in a range of countries across the Western Balkans with a shared and painful history, media corruption hinders aspirations to break free from the legacy of war, censorship and political control during decades of communist rule. The story is of an uphill struggle. Everywhere there is a crisis of confidence inside newsrooms caused by crumbling levels of commitment to ethics, a lowering of the status of journalistic work and a pervasive lack of transparency over advertising, ownership and corporate and political affiliations. Government control over lucrative state advertising, which is often allocated to media according to their political bias, remains widespread. At the same time, the elimination in most countries of the invisible wall separating editorial and advertising has created a surge of so-called “native advertising,” hidden advertorials and paid-for journalism. It was this conflict of interest that plunged the crisis-prone UK press into a new bout of handwringing in February 2015 when Peter Oborne, a leading political journalist, quit his job at the Daily Telegraph accusing the management of censoring stories about HSBC bank, a leading advertiser caught up in a tax scandal. These reports tell essentially the same story of deep cuts in editorial investment, undue pressure on newsrooms, and media increasingly dependent upon atypical models of ownership in which media have become the trophy possessions of powerful figures and institutions in pursuit of wider corporate and political objectives." (Introduction, page iii-iv)
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"We asked writers and researchers to examine the quality of coverage and to highlight reporting problems as well as good work. The conclusions from many different parts of the world are remarkably similar: journalism under pressure from a weakening media economy; political bias and opportunism that
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drives the news agenda; the dangers of hate-speech, stereotyping and social exclusion of refugees and migrants. But at the same time there have been inspiring examples of careful, sensitive and ethical journalism that have shown empathy for the victims. In most countries the story has been dominated by two themes – numbers and emotions. Most of the time coverage is politically led with media often following an agenda dominated by loose language and talk of invasion and swarms. At other moments the story has been laced with humanity, empathy and a focus on the suffering of those involved." (Introduction, page 5-6)
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"International radio broadcasters took on a centrally important role during the Cold War. Founded at the beginning of the 1950s, Radio Free Europe (RFE) was to become both a political instrument for influencing public opinion and one of the few alternative sources of information for many people livi
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ng to the east of the Iron Curtain. The contributions in this publication illustrate the political, social, and cultural context within which RFE operated at the time; they explore the journalistic practices used in RFE; and they analyze the content of the broadcasts and the responses of RFE’s listeners." (Back cover)
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"Based on 86 in-depth interviews with journalists, editors and media owners, this report documents the hostile environment in which journalists work in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Kosovo, Montenegro, and Serbia. Journalists and editors interviewed for this report described a difficult media space
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in which they faced threats, attacks, and other types of intimidation and interference with their work. They described recurring veiled and direct threats against them and family members, physical attacks on themselves and their workplaces, and even death threats. Many of the incidents of violence and intimidation documented in this report appeared to be particularly directed against journalists who write stories implicating powerful business or political elites, or report on war crimes, high-level corruption, and radical religious groups." (Pages 1-2)
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"The subject of this article is the issue of journalist-spies in the Bulgarian media before and after the fall of communism in 1989. The focus is on the perceptions of Bulgarian journalists on the role alleged secret service collaborators played, and continue to play, in the postcommunist society an
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d media landscape. Role perceptions are explored through semi-structured interviews with practicing journalists from the capital city, Sofia. The findings suggest that Bulgarian journalists continue to be concerned with, and affected by, the influence of former communist spies on the Bulgarian media, a controversy that has largely been ignored by media scholars." (Abstract)
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"A principal challenge to independent journalism is the symbiotic relationship between the ruling party and many media outlets and their owners. Examples on both the national and local level are described in this report. Government-friendly outlets are bolstered by various means, particularly non-tr
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ansparent allocation of advertising and other official funds, generating an environment where partisan political and business interests set media agendas and directly shape reporting." (Executive summary)
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"Trotz der hohen Standards der Mediengesetze in Bosnien-Herzegowina hapert es bei deren Umsetzung. Medienschaffende sind häufig dem Druck von Politik, staatlichen Institutionen und einflussreichen Unternehmen ausgesetzt. Viele Medienunternehmen sind aufgrund ihrer desolaten Finanzlage zusätzlich f
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ür Einflussnahme anfällig. Daher ist es kein Zufall, dass die wenigen kritischen Medien in Bosnien-Herzegowina finanzielle Mittel aus dem Ausland erhalten." (Seite 22)
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"This book presents a wide ranging survey of the ways in which comics have dealt with the diversity of creators and characters and the (lack of) visibility for characters who don't conform to particular cultural stereotypes. Contributors engage with ethnicity and other cultural forms from Israel, Ro
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mania, North America, South Africa, Germany, Spain, U.S. Latino and Canada and consider the ways in which comics are able to represent multiculturalism through a focus on the formal elements of the medium. Discussion themes include education, countercultures, monstrosity, the quotidian, the notion of the "other," anthropomorphism, and colonialism." (Publisher description)
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"Montenegro’s government should support openness and informed debate in making and implementing public policy decisions. Instead, information concerning matters of public interest is often withheld or distorted by government and by pliant media outlets favoured with official assistance. State fund
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ing and selective advertising are used to reward positive media coverage, and withheld to punish media outlets that question official policies or practices. This soft censorship is quickening an already serious erosion of the independence of the many Montenegrin media outlets for which state funding is necessary for survival. It embeds self-censorship, and has further polarized media coverage and encouraged poor quality journalism that is of little service to public discussion and diminishes media credibility overall." (Conclusion, page 19)
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"This article discusses the role of the former communist party elite (the nomenklatura) in the Bulgarian post-communist media landscape in relation to media ownership and the origin of media outlets’ capital. The spotlight is on Bulgarian journalists’ perceptions examined through semi-structured
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interviews with a cohort of media professionals from the capital city, Sofia. The findings indicate that Bulgarian journalists are strongly interested in, and concerned with, the influence of members of the former nomenklatura and their informal networks on the Bulgarian media landscape and particularly on the way the media in Bulgaria have been owned and financed since 1989." (Abstract)
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"This article defines feminist media activism in terms of counter-public communication and provides a brief overview of activities, functions, types of activists and historical contexts relevant to this kind of feminist activism. Following this research approach, it then examines the specific cases
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of feminist media activism in post-authoritarian and post-conflict Serbia and Croatia. More specifically, it looks into women's NGOs' (non-governmental organizations) attempts to advance gender equality perspectives in and through the television media through providing education for journalists and acting as television sources and pundits. It shows how NGO education can be an effective means of creating pockets of pro-feminist journalism in the mainstream media, whereas feminist activists' performance as television sources results in more mixed outcomes. While some activists' television appearances established women's NGOs as credible parties in popular discussions about gender, other activists shied away from television due to what they saw as anti-analytical, confrontational and stereotypical approaches to feminism on television. Finally, the article identifies the main factors in contemporary Serbian and Croatian societies resulting in comparatively better opportunities for feminist media activism in Croatia than in Serbia." (Abstract)
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"This study constitutes the attempt to draw some initial conclusions from the work conducted by DW Akademie and other media development organizations in the past. It aims at a better understanding of which public service functions former state broadcasters can provide at all and which approaches of
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media development actors have proved to be successful.
Reforming of state mouthpieces into public service media can indeed be achieved. This is one of the most important findings of this study. DW Akademie researchers here present examples of media outlets that fulfill their public service remit of creating a public sphere and supporting integration to a substantial degree. Even among the success stories, not all the media outlets studied here have adopted a public service ethos to its full extent. Their work, however, improved considerably. In assisting reform, media development actors were thus able to enhance the public’s freedom of expression as well as its access to information – two basic human rights we see as important prerequisites for peace and democracy. On the other hand, this study shows how difficult and complex transformation is. State media are often highly politicized. Successful transformation, therefore, requires support of a lot of different actors: the political elite, civil society, the management of the broadcaster, its staff, and last but certainly not least, the public as a whole. It is vital that media development actors identify windows of opportunity and profit from them in order to propel change forward.
At the same time, this study demonstrates that media development organizations have to think beyond their traditional fields of expertise: capacity development and newsroom consultancy. A much broader approach is needed if substantial and sustainable development is to be achieved. DW Akademie is currently implementing a new, more complex strategy for successful media development cooperation that takes this into account. Political and legal frameworks have become a strategic area of activity. Other equally important areas comprise qualifications, professionalism, and economic sustainability of the media sector, participation in society, and digital change. With regard to public broadcasting, political and legal frameworks are especially important in order to ensure editorial independence of former state broadcasters. Furthermore, media development actors have to engage more in organizational development. Therefore, at the end of this study, we dedicate a whole chapter to this question.
This study of selected media outlets from twelve countries does not attempt to provide a final answer to the question of successful public service transformation. It aims at giving an overview of what has been achieved in practical work in this field in the course of the past years. More research is needed to understand which steps of reform are needed for a genuine transformation that is sustainable in the long term. The media are undergoing crucial developments. Digital change, convergence, and social media have increased pluralism of opinion substantially in many parts of the world. At the same time, the media face new challenges with respect to their economic sustainability. The notion of public service media that offer a model for providing journalistic quality without financial dependence deserves further thought." (Preface)
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"This study focuses on the institutional practice of international development communication. Through a qualitative study of the Videoletters project, it examines a situated process of intervention in its complexity and analyzes how the specifics of mediation illuminate issues of proximity and dista
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nce in the relationship between bilateral funders, the citizens of the countries that their intervention claims to assist, and the governance structures of the countries intervened. Videoletters was a media-driven intervention aimed at reconnecting ordinary people affected by ethno-political divisions across the former Yugoslavia between 2000 and 2005. Adopted by European bilateral funders for large-scale implementation, the project was categorized as a “tool for reconciliation”. The study explores how this specific intervention was initiated, implemented, circulated and evaluated in practice. Issues of ethics and accountability at stake in the process are analyzed in relation to a framework of global justice. Findings indicate that mediated communication intervention may be embraced by bilateral funders for its potential to make them look good in the eyes of Western audiences beyond discourses about its potential to do good for the citizens of troubled countries. By linking international development communication to a framework of justice, the study contributes to a critical agenda for theorization and research that takes accountability into consideration and puts citizens at the center." (Back cover)
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"With essays on audiences in ancient Greece, early modern Germany, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia, Zimbabwe, contemporary Egypt, Bengali India, China, Taiwan, and immigrant diaspora in Belgium, each chapter examines the ways in which audiences are embedded in discourses of power, representation, and
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regulation in different yet overlapping ways according to specific socio-historical contexts." (Publisher description)
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