"Durante año y medio, la FLIP y Linterna Verde monitoreamos la conversación que giró alrededor del periodismo y le pusimos la lupa a tres momentos virales para entender qué hay detrás de cada ataque digital: El conocido hashtag #CaracolMiente, que surgió después de que el presidente Gustavo P
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etro trinara repetidamente que la información difundida por Noticias Caracol era falsa. Un análisis sobre 20 mil tuits evidencia coordinación en el uso de #CaracolMiente además de un patrón recurrente: la mayoría de las cuentas involucradas tenían una base pequeña de seguidores y mostraban una elevada actividad de retuits con contenido favorable al Gobierno.
En un segundo acto, el presidente Petro acusó a un supuesto "grupo poderoso" de querer destruir su gobierno, llamándolo "prensa Mossad". Al día siguiente, utilizó esa expresión en X para referirse a la periodista María Jimena Duzán, quien había publicado un artículo que criticaba una irregularidad en su administración relacionada con el hermano de Laura Sarabia. El 26 de junio, el término "Mossad" registró más de 8.600 menciones en X, 28 veces más que el promedio.
El tercer caso ocurrió durante un evento en Nuquí, cuando el presidente Petro acusó a las periodistas de promover narrativas que criminalizan la protesta legítima, calificándolas como "muñecas de la mafia". Se detonaron casi 300 mil menciones de tal término entre ese día hasta el 5 de septiembre. Y aunque hubo respaldo hacia las periodistas, la conversación en X giró alrededor de críticas, descalificaciones e insultos hacia las profesionales de comunicaicón.
Por otro lado, y analizando los ataques y de su impacto en la libertad de expresión podemos decir que la fuente de estos ataques, en Latinoamérica, proviene principalmente del Estado o de políticos; hay una prevalencia en los ataques en línea a nivel mundial que resultan en agresiones físicas, persecución judicial o incluso el asesinato, y particularmente, las periodistas mujeres enfrentan ataques contra su reputación, especialmente aquellos basados en género y por su orientación sexual."
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"A dos años de su mandato, la relación del presidente Gustavo Petro con la prensa ha estado marcada por la descalificación y la desconfianza en los medios de comunicación y en periodistas que considera incómodos. En contraste, su Gobierno creó nuevos canales de comunicación oficial y aumentó
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el presupuesto del sistema de medios público. De manera intermitente ha enviado señales —que no terminan de concretarse— de querer fortalecer a los medios alternativos y comunitarios, y ha incluido a influencers en su estrategia de comunicación. A diferencia de la actitud del presidente Iván Duque hacia la prensa —quien dividió el panorama mediático entre "amigos" y "enemigos" durante un periodo marcado por protestas contra sus políticas y su manejo de la crisis del COVID-19–, el actual Jefe de Estado considera que los medios de mayor influencia son adversarios políticos y prefiere comunicarse por X." (Página 5)
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"This study examines 23 recently enacted or proposed legislative efforts from 2018 through 2024 aimed at providing revenue streams for journalism. We hope it offers a fulsome method for analyzing possible paths forward. There are two main parts of the report: Part One groups this legislation into se
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ven models for financing journalism. The financing models are organized around legal mechanisms that range from an expanded view of copyright to direct support for news by platforms and governments: the digital interaction (“usage”) type [models 1-3]; the subsidy type [models 4-6] and the tax type (model 7). Part Two looks at how this legislation impacts other issues critical to a sustainable news ecosystem that supports functioning, free societies. We first address an implicit yet inconsistently treated concept that emerges from this legislation: appropriate compensation, if any, for various uses of (and interactions with) digital content. This includes the notion of setting legal parameters for proper compensation that goes beyond traditional definitions of copyright. We then look at how these financially-oriented legislations impact issues within other core aspects of journalism." (Pages 2-4)
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"En 2024 celebramos los diez años de la creación de la Red Eclesial Panamazónica (Repam), los cinco años del Documento Final del Sínodo especial de la Amazonía, y los cuatro años de la Exhortación Apostólica Querida Amazonía y de la creación de la Conferencia Eclesial de la Amazonía (Cea
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ma). Este texto recoge diversas voces de esperanza de laicos, religiosas, sacerdotes y obispos que expresan el caminar de la Iglesia sinodal en misión en y desde la Amazonía." (Página 7)
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"Does the news media exacerbate or reduce misinformation problems? Although some news media deliberately try to counter misinformation, it has been suggested that they might also inadvertently, and sometimes purposefully, amplify it. We conducted a two-wave panel survey in Brazil, India, and the UK
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(N=4732) to investigate the effect of news and digital platform use on awareness of and belief in COVID-19 misinformation over time (January to February 2022). We find little support for the idea that the news exacerbates misinformation problems. News use broadened people’s awareness of false claims but did not increase belief in false claims—in some cases, news use actually weakened false belief acquisition, depending on access mode (online or offline) and outlet type. In line with previous research, we also find that news use strengthens political knowledge gain over time, again depending on outlets used. The effect of digital platforms was inconsistent across countries, and in most cases not significant—though some, like Twitter, were associated with positive outcomes while others were associated with negative outcomes. Overall, our findings challenge the notion that news media, by reporting on false and misleading claims, ultimately leave the public more misinformed, and support the idea that news helps people become more informed and, in some cases, more resilient to misinformation." (Abstract)
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"Attacks on journalists have become a growing concern in democracies around the world. Past scholarship suggests that such attacks could lead to a chilling effect of journalists self-censoring their reporting. However, there is limited empirical work that substantiates the effects of attacks on jour
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nalists. To empirically test the existence of chilling effects, this mixed-methods study uses the conditions of journalism under Jair Bolsonaro’s government in Brazil as an exploratory case study. We investigate how attacks (N = 901) and propaganda messages (N = 518,853) impacted news coverage (N = 20,998) in the first two years of Bolsonaro’s government, based on time series analysis and in-depth interviews with journalists (N = 18). Our results suggest that, despite the increase in government attacks, Brazilian journalists do not exhibit chilling effects; instead, they display what we call catalyzing effects. Our time series results showed that an increase in state propaganda leads to an increase in news coverage. Furthermore, our qualitative data affirms the concept of catalyzing effects. Findings from the interviews suggest that catalyzing effects operate as a form of resilience among journalists. Catalyzing effects do not necessarily manifest as more coverage, but as persistent coverage despite ongoing criticisms and threats (both social and physical). Our findings offer a path forward, highlighting the importance of bringing the discussion about violence and attacks against journalists back to the community of journalists experiencing this hostility. Network support, journalists said, has been crucial, which points to the need for a solidarity infrastructure that supports journalists’ constructive role in society.(Abstract)
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"Many workers worldwide rely on digital platforms for their income. In Venezuela, a nation grappling with extreme inflation and where most of the workforce is self-employed, data production platforms for machine learning have emerged as a viable opportunity for many to earn an income in US dollars.
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Data workers are deeply interconnected within a vast network of entities that act as intermediaries for wage payments in digital currencies. Past research on embeddedness has noted that being intertwined in multi-tiered socioeconomic networks of companies and individuals can offer significant rewards to social participants, while also connoting a particular set of limitations. This paper provides qualitative evidence regarding how this “deep embeddedness” impacts data workers in Venezuela. Given the backdrop of a national crisis and rampant hyperinflation, the perks of receiving wages through financial platforms include accessing more stable currencies and investment outside the national financial system. However, relying on numerous intermediaries often diminishes income due to transaction fees. Moreover, this introduces heightened financial risks, particularly due to the unpredictable nature of cryptocurrencies as an investment. This paper evaluates the effects of the platformization of wages and its effect on working conditions. The over-reliance on external financial platforms erodes worker autonomy through power dynamics that lean in favor of the platforms that set the transaction rules and prices. These findings present a multifaceted perspective on deep embeddedne ss in platform labor, highlighting how the rewards of financial intermediation often come at a substantial cost for the workers in precarious situations." (Abstract)
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"Chile’s largest social uprising in 30 years began in October 2019. Protests erupted throughout the country, inspired by a widespread belief that the state and powerful institutional actors, such as the media, had undermined the dignity of much of the population. In this article, we explore how an
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d the extent to which mainstream media, specifically television, has affected the dignity of the Chilean people and how participants in the social uprising defined the concept. Drawing on the hundreds of complaints filed with the National Television Council (CNTV) and using grounded theory, we argue that allegations against harm to people’s dignity caused by the media have become more prevalent in Chile. The reasons given by audience members include the violence of the broadcasts themselves, the stigmatization of certain people and groups, and a lack of journalistic ethics. Ultimately, this article analyzes a key concept for social uprisings and connects it to the ethical and political role of media systems and newsmaking in contemporary democracies." (Abstract)
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"This article investigates harmful political content in public WhatsApp and Facebook groups of the radical Right in Brazil. Considering harmful political content as that which generates direct damage to the quality, reasonableness, and plurality of public discussion, we investigate the enunciative a
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spects of four specific types of discursive action (uncivil, conspiratorial, hateful, and dangerous) and the non-enunciative aspects used for harmful types of communication and interaction. The database consists of 3,503,540 messages propagated in 1,676 public groups during the electoral process. Through a quantitative approach to a sample of 2,201 unique messages, we found, among other things, that (1) harmful content was more present on Facebook than on WhatsApp; (2) messages about the elections were associated with uncivil speech; (3) uncivil speech was usually associated with dangerous speech and opposed to conspiratorial speech. The results allow for more nuanced reflections on the actions and strategy of the Far Right in the digital public debate." (Abstract)
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"Falsehoods targeting political parties and candidates have long been entrenched in Brazilian politics and monitored by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE). Since the rise of the far right in Brazil, the TSE has itself become a disinformation target. This study aims to unveil disinformation that has
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been directed at the Brazilian electoral system since 2018 and explore the court’s responses. First, we quantitatively analyzed 420 verification articles from the TSE’s Fato ou Boato website to identify the falsehoods’ origins, targets, narratives, and deceptive strategies. Second, we conducted expert interviews and qualitatively examined official documents to explore counteraction strategies, particularly collaborations with fact-checkers. The findings indicate that disinformation primarily revolves around the alleged vulnerability of the electronic voting system (25%) and supposed illegal actions that have been committed by the TSE (15%). Supreme Federal Court ministers, notably Luís Barroso and Alexandre de Moraes, have become frequent targets. Assaults on the TSE surged from 15% (2018) to 27% (2022). Strengthened collaboration with fact-checkers enhances their societal recognition and significance in the Brazilian public sphere." (Abstract)
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"We use the concept of hagiography to analyze the absurd content found in the memes that circulated after the first round of Chile’s 2021 presidential election. We examined 201 video and image memes to elucidate how the supporters of the then-candidate Gabriel Boric created a narrative of the poli
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tical moment. A qualitative multimodal analysis shows the use of absurdity to create a heroic idealization of the leftist politician who eventually won the presidency. Social media users depicted the election as a climactic moment where democracy was in danger and portrayed Boric as the hero who appeared at just the right moment with the right message. The term hagiography refers to stories about saints that were read collectively and contributed to the creation of worship communities in medieval Europe. This notion, together with multimodal analysis, helps us understand absurdity not only as a matter of form and content but also as a mode of interaction mediated by memes." (Abstract)
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