"This report presents the findings from the evaluation of the ASTUTE media campaign. Three cross-sectional surveys were conducted before, during, and at the end of the campaign, with questions targeted to female caregivers and male heads of households when they were available. The impact of the camp
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aign is estimated by looking at change in key indicators over time (an uncontrolled before-and-after analysis) as well as the association of indicators with reported campaign exposure (cross-sectional analysis at endline). Primary and secondary outcomes were pre-specified for each of the message themes prior to analysis. Over 21,000 men and women with children under two were surveyed across the three timepoints, and the majority of participants reported exposure to the campaign. At endline, 60% of female caregivers and 70% of men had heard or seen spots on the radio or TV. While exposure was even higher among regular radio listeners, the campaign still reached over 40% of individuals who did not report listening regularly. This high level of campaign exposure translated to large impacts across several of the programme themes. The strongest, most consistent evidence for impact was observed for engagement in early childhood development-related activities (for both men and women), for outcomes relating to maternal health and nutrition (including antenatal care attendance) and for WASH indicators. Exclusive breastfeeding indicators also improved over the time period of the campaign, and by the end of the campaign the prevalence of positive outcomes for the majority of breastfeeding indicators had reached a high level (>90%) such that the campaign may have had limited ability to achieve further improvements. Complementary feeding indicators also improved over the time span of the campaign. However the proportions of children receiving the target minimum meal frequency and minimum acceptable diet by the end of the campaign remained low with limited evidence that exposure to the campaign had had a substantial impact on these indicators." (Executive summary)
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"BBC Media Action is helping to reduce the transmission of the coronavirus in Somalia by using a media campaign ‘hello hope: bye bye COVID’ to encourage uptake of preventative behaviours. Informed by research we are challenging attitudes and beliefs around coronavirus transmission and encouragin
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g behaviour change through presenting preventative behaviours as: Being a responsible member of your community; showing you care and respect others; the right thing to do as a Somali. The campaign features: Ten audio PSAs broadcast on national and local radio featuring a witty character called Captain Suleiman, a radio disc jockey who encourages uptake of preventative behaviours while responding to listeners troubles in an ‘agony aunt’ style format. Eight stand-alone video PSAs distributed on TV and social media, produced in a variety of styles and featuring different characters including a caring grandson, a poet, an imam and a visually challenged TV anchor [...] PSAs have reached approximately 4.8 million adults (57% of the Somali adult population), 46% directly and 11% indirectly (see more information on the following pages). Audiences reported that the PSAs had improved their knowledge around COVID-19 preventative measures, with 65% of the PSAs audience reported to have learned ‘a lot’ after watching/ listening to the PSAs. 58% reported to have learned something about ‘handwashing/ hands hygiene’, and 44% reported to have learned something about the importance of wearing a mask. 61% of the audience reported to have discussed the PSAs with other people. This is also a very positive outcome, since discussion within the family/ community is a key driver of behaviour change." (Page 1)
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"This book advances alternative approaches to understanding media, culture and technology in two vibrant regions of the Global South. Bringing together scholars from Africa and the Caribbean, it traverses the domains of communication theory, digital technology strategy, media practice reforms, and c
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orporate and cultural renewal. The first section tackles research and technology with new conceptual thinking from the South. The book then looks at emerging approaches to community digital networks, online diaspora entertainment, and video gaming strategies. The volume then explores reforms in policy and professional practice, including in broadcast television, online newspapers, media philanthropy, and business news reporting. Its final section examines the role of village-based folk media, the power of popular music in political opposition, and new approaches to overcoming neo-colonial propaganda and external corporate hegemony." (Publisher description)
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"This Information Ecosystem Assessment documents how information around the COVID-19 pandemic is produced, consumed, and shared in Sudan contributing to the existence of multiple and overlapping information sub-systems within the supply side of the broader ecosystem. The findings show how the centra
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lization of news production, as well as power and resources, leads to the development of these sometimes-competing subsystems. This is evident through data collected from marginalized groups, such as displaced communities (refugees, IDPs, migrants) and those in communities that host them, who are not targeted by official supply mechanisms of information." (Executive summary)
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"Six in 10 adult Ethiopians (59%) own a mobile phone. But only 16% own a phone with Internet access. One in three (34%) own a radio, while 14% have a television set and only 2 % have a computer. The most common source of regular news (“every day” or “a few times a week”) for Ethiopians is th
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e radio (50%), followed by TV (24%), social media (12%), the Internet (9%), and newspapers (2%). A majority (59%) of Ethiopians assess the media as “somewhat free” or “completely free.” Only one in four (26%) consider the media “not very” or “not at all” free. But Ethiopians hold mixed views on just how free the media should be. While more than three-fourths (77%) want the media to report on government mistakes and corruption, almost half (48%) say the government should have the right to prevent the publication of things it disapproves of. And large majorities endorse the government’s right to prohibit the sharing of false information (79%) and hate speech (73%). Majorities say social media users (55%), politicians (52%), and activists (51%) “sometimes” or “often” knowingly spread false information or “fake news.” Only three in 10 Ethiopians (30%) have heard about social media. Among these citizens, more than half (54%) say social media has “somewhat positive” or “very positive” effects on society, while 35% see its effects as mostly negative." (Key findings, page 2)
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"In Moldova, a series of hackathons led to the development of tech-based solutions to misinformation. In Ecuador, indigenous groups wrote their own stories on Wikipedia to strengthen their culture's representation and publicly correct misinformation. In Uganda, citizen journalists established a netw
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ork to report on underrepresented issues and groups. And in the Middle East, innovative concepts in journalism training are helping the next generation of journalists to become fit for the challenges of the future. These four case studies illustrate the approaches that DW Akademie and its partners are pursuing worldwide to strengthen the public dialogue. The goal is to foster innovation and increase the visibility of underrepresented topics, and to bring together innovators and experts to pool their knowledge and skills." (Publisher description)
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"During recent decades, the question of how societies deal with the past has received increasing attention from political actors, civil society and academia. Yet, dealing with the past continues to be a very controversial issue that causes polemic debates. This book contributes to a cross-regional a
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nalysis of how societies in Latin America, South Africa and Germany deal with a past containing massive human rights violations." (Publisher description)
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"Daily news consumption via social media (11%) and the Internet (9%) has doubled in Uganda since 2015, though these platforms still lag far behind television (27%) and radio (54%) as daily news sources. Six in 10 Ugandans (60%) say they are aware of social media. Awareness is less widespread among w
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omen, rural residents, and older and less educated citizens. Among Ugandans who have heard of social media, large majorities say it makes people more aware of current happenings (89%) and helps people impact political processes (74%). On the other hand, majorities also say it makes people more likely to believe false news (70%) and more intolerant of others with different political opinions (58%). Overall, 58% of citizens who are aware of social media rate its effects on society as positive, while only 13% see them as negative. A majority (56%) of Ugandans “agree” or “strongly agree” that access to the Internet and social media helps people to be more informed and active citizens, and should be unrestricted. A quarter (26%), however, say the government should be able to regulate access." (Key findings, page 2)
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"There is a heated debate about the social-sustainability implications of infrastructure. We engage this debate by delving into China’s Digital Silk Road (DSR), an important component of China’s infrastructure-centric Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Optimists and pessimists have offered strong v
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iews about the DSR’s social-sustainability implications. Unfortunately, there is a dearth of analytical tools and in-depth studies which can be used to judge their competing arguments. In this article, we address these problems in two ways. First, we advance an original scheme for operationalizing social sustainability. Second, we use our framework to systematically analyze the DSR’s social-sustainability effects in Ethiopia, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, and Hungary. Our research indicates that much of the positive and negative commentary about the DSR’s social-sustainability implications is problematic. None of our cases show significant year-to-year changes in political or quality-of-life social-sustainability benchmarks. Indeed, our analysis indicates that analysts must pay close attention to the political and economic context to understand the social-sustainability patterns associated with DSR infrastructure. Finally, it suggests that the social-sustainability implications of DSR infrastructure are dependent on its scale and nature. These findings have ramifications for broader debates about the socioeconomic impact of infrastructure." (Abstract)
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"[...] The press situation in the country is deeply disconcerting. The reason for this is that the media landscape is as polarized as never before, and that parts of the media are being blamed for playing a pivotal role in the turbulence which have erupted in various parts of the country since 2019.
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The suspicion of many people is that the media are being exploited to propagate an ethnic agenda. Towards this backdrop, the intention of the study is to examine the role of the media in ethnic tensions in contemporary Ethiopia. The methodology is twofold, combining in-depth interviews with framing analysis. For the interview part, we have met approximately 25 persons with key positions in all major parts of the media in the country. For the framing analysis, we have scrutinized the media coverage of eight crucial incidents of 2019 in ten different media outlets. We argue that the tendencies we’re observing in the media can be described as an intensified ethnification process. By this we mean that ethnic belonging and identity politics are gaining significance as central frames of reference in the current Ethiopian media discourse. Ethnicity is being employed as a key to interpret media messages, and it outlines a frame for classifying media channels and personalities. We identify two major frames, annihilation and othering, which are indicative of the tendency of journalists to align with their ethnic background ..." (Executive summary)
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"This book explores the relationship between the safety of journalists and self-censorship practices around the world, including local case studies and regional and international perspectives. Bringing together scholars and practitioners from around the globe, Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship p
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rovides new and updated insights into patterns of self-censorship and free speech, focusing on a variety of factors that affect these issues, including surveillance, legislation, threats, violent conflict, gender-related stereotypes, digitisation and social media. The contributions examine topics such as trauma, risk and self-censorship among journalists in different regions of the world, including Central America, Estonia, Turkey, Uganda and Pakistan. The book also provides conceptual clarity to the notion of journalist self-censorship, and explores the question of how self-censorship may be studied empirically." (Publisher description)
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"In this comparative article we offer a critical overview of the articles included in this Special Issue, paying attention to common patterns and distinctive features. We do so by exploring the ways in which Somali migrant women living across different cities in Europe engage in everyday digital pra
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ctices. The central question that underlines this comparative investigation is how transnational multisitedness, different generations and urban localities play a role in contemporary Somali diasporic formations and take shape through digital media. We consider the multi-sitedness of Somali diaspora in light of the emergent transnational potentials of communications technologies, while keeping in focus gendered dynamics and intersectional aspects; how generation plays into processes of diasporic cultural change and continuity; and how spatial relationships of belonging are shaped by the communicative spaces that mobile devices and software platforms afford. Our findings show that to better understand the role of digitally mediated experiences, we need to focus on everyday media environments within contexts of international mobility across continental borders marked by postcolonial traces." (Abstract)
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"The purpose of this ex-post evaluation is for Internews to understand the impact that Safe Sisters has had on women in East Africa by documenting and publicly sharing their stories and evaluating the training approach itself. As women and girls come online for the first time, they disproportionatel
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y face violence, which creates risks to their physical safety and stifles their ability to capture the Internet’s transformative economic and social potential. Internews, together with partner DefendDefenders — a Uganda-based non-governmental organization (NGO) — developed the Safe Sisters program, a year-long fellowship that provides women human rights defenders and journalists with the techniques and tools they need to navigate online spaces safely, assume informed risks, and take control of their lives in an increasingly digital world." (Publisher description)
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"This Handbook provides the first comprehensive reference book in English about the development of mass and social media in all Arab countries. Capturing the historical as well as current developments in the media scene, this collection maps the role of media in social and political movements. Contr
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ibutors include specialists in the field from North America, Europe, and the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the history, regulatory frameworks and laws governing the press, and socio-political functions of the media. While the geopolitical complexities of the region have been reflected in the expert analyses collectively, the focus is always the local context of each member state. All 37 chapters consider the specific historical, political and media trajectories in each country, to provide a contextual background and foundation for further study about single states or comparative analysis in two or more Arab states." (Publisher description)
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"In terms of quality of media coverage, there are various outcomes: In Asia, for example, small and independent outlets, able to provide reliable information, gained momentum, whereas citizens in the MENA-region turned to social media in search of trustworthy facts on the coronavirus. In South-Easte
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rn Europe, pseudo-journalism and fake news spread mainly via the Internet, while in sub-Saharan Africa innovative formats emerged, which also enhanced the quality of reporting. In many regions and countries, not least in Germany, demand for factbased, reliable reporting increased, offering an opportunity for quality-oriented media to regain audiences’ trust. The economic situation is difficult for almost all media outlets worldwide, although there are some differences. In Central and Eastern Europe, for example, pro-government media continued to benefit from state-sponsored advertising, while other media suffered even more acute drops in revenue. In many regions, media outlets expanded their online presence to partly compensate these losses by introducing additional paywalls, as was the case in the US, for example. In Latin America, many news outlets had to reduce their staff shortly after the outbreak of COVID-19 due to a shortfall in revenues. Small, independent outlets in Asia and Central Eastern Europe could raise their income through an increase in memberships or subscriptions. In Central Eastern Europe, especially younger generations acknowledged that quality journalism requires financing, while in Southeast Europe, it is still uncommon to pay for online media consumption, which is a setback for independent online journalism." (At a glance, page 2-3)
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"Media Laws on the African continent have been amended, revised and rewritten since the first edition of the SADC Media Law Handbook was first published nearly a decade ago. The reasons for new media laws range from the advent of social media to the realisation of the powers-that-be that, with new t
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echnologies, they cannot control the narrative and discussion in the way they used to do. How does one balance the need to prevent hate speech with the necessity to question and control those in power publicly as well as those opposing them? Our legal expert, Justine Limpitlaw, has taken up the challenge of analysing and scrutinising the media laws of 13 southern African countries over the past four years. We present the results to you in this three-volume-edition. The work will, in the next few years, make its way into legal offices, newsrooms and courtrooms on the continent, just as the first edition did." (Foreword)
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