"This essay centres on the role of religion in the era of Covid-19. We juxtapose social media and religious practices in a way that challenges the conventional religion of the pulpit to deconstruct the myths and misconceptions around spirituality in the era of Covid-19. We show the transformation of
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worship from physical worship places, particularly churches, to virtual engagements through social media. Through observation, close relations’ accounts, personal experiences and media perspectives, we analyze the politics that surrounded religious observances in the first 7 months of Covid-19 pandemic in Kenya. We make a case that, discoveries made in these seven and other months to come, will most likely influenced the myths and misconceptions about religion and religious practices in the country. From these accounts, we project a future that is likely to reap from the benefits of technology, and especially social media, which has revolutionized exchange of ideas, sermons, prayers and music. We challenge the very notion of pulpit religiosity, and the myths and misconceptions that religion cannot be without physical fellowships." (Abstract)
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"For analysing populist and dis- and minformation-driven campaigning, three sub-groupings of South African Twitter deserve particular attention. A) A community of radical populists made of black consciousness voices emphasising the struggle against 'white monopoly capital,' using this phrase as a di
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sinformation strategy initially run by Bell Pottinger back in 2017, which had the effect of polarising white and black South Africans. This community was the audience the EFF and RET audience appealed to. B) A community galvanised around the #PutSouthAfricansFirst hashtag and movement and its über-nationalism and xenophobia - disdain for primarily African foreign nationals. Influencers used this hashtag to demonise foreign nationals for crime, unemployment, homelessness and other disinformation. Political parties such as ATM and ActionSA used the same hashtag to campaign for votes under the guise of calling for the integrity of South Africa's borders and jobs. Their nationalist calls continued to form a crucial part of these parties' messaging, even as they benefited from the negative sentiment generated towards foreigners by the more strident anonymous accounts. C) A community of minority ideologies and groups predominantly made up of South Africa's white body politic polarised from the rest of South African Twitter influenced by overlapping harmful iterations of Libertarianism and Conservatism. Conspiracy theorists, Covid-19 denialists, anti-institution, anti-vaxxers reside within this community with imported overt MAGA-style Trumpian Alt-Right. The DA, Cape Party, ACDP appealed to this community. An analysis of tweets generated in the lead up to the election showed that one in four tweets were generated by the EFF community, underscoring the extent to which that party dominated the platform. However, it also highlights the disconnect between Twitter and the 'real world'. The EFF was only the third-largest party with roughly 10% votes." (Lessons learned and conclusion, page 99)
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"Radio shows which invite audience participation via short message service (SMS)—interactive radio–SMS—can be designed as a mixed methods approach for applied social research during COVID-19 and other crises in low and middle income countries. In the aftermath of a cholera outbreak in Somalia,
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we illustrate how this method provides social insights that would have been missed if a purely qualitative or quantitative approach were used. We then examine the strengths and limitations associated with interactive radio–SMS through an evaluation using a multimethod comparison. Our research contributes an application of a mixed methods approach which addresses a specific challenge raised by COVID-19, namely utilizing media and digital technologies for social research in low and middle income countries." (Abstract)
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"This incisive Handbook critically examines the role and place of media and communication in development and social change, reflecting a vision for change anchored in values of social justice. Outlining the genealogy and history of the field, it then investigates the possible new directions and obje
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ctives in the area. Key conclusions include an enhanced role for development communication in participatory development, active agency of stakeholders of development programs, and the operationalization of social justice in development." (Publisher description)
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"China is an increasingly major player in the latest global economic configuration. As a formerly developing nation, China has the potential to view the world through a lens distinctive from current Western hegemonies in its news media and soft power strategies. China has already invested heavily in
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the African continent and South Africa specifically, including in its news media. Some research has suggested that non-Western, non-democratic countries might have a different approach to international news coverage, including more positive and constructive coverage that diverges from Western news coverage (which is often seen as unnuanced and unequal). A content analysis of Chinese print news media thus examined if Chinese news media's construction of South African reality differs from previous Western social constructions. The research analysed China Daily, a newspaper closely a liated with the Chinese Communist Party, as well as South China Morning Post (SCMP), an independent, privately-owned publication from Hong Kong. It investigated whether these papers use constructive journalism to cover South Africa, and how their coverage diverged and overlapped. The research found that there are observable differences on an ontological scale, and that both papers have different foci of interest and affective slant which diverge from Western news sources. However, similar to Western sources, both papers are largely not constructive on topics relating to South Africa, and are overall disinterested in local events in South Africa, reproducing the same inequalities in news reportage that exist with the current global hegemonic order." (Abstract)
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"The South African disaster response activities surpass risk reduction since the implementation of the Disaster Management Act 57 of 2002 (DMA) and the National Disaster Management Framework of 2005 (NDMF). Risk reduction, in particular risk communication, remained unexploited until the occurrence o
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f coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. The legislation and policy mandate a proactive approach for disaster management, requiring a focus on disaster risk reduction. Therefore, this study aimed to assess the significance of risk communication as a critical prevention and mitigatory strategy in disaster risk management, focusing on the COVID-19 pandemic. Key to risk communication success is ensuring adequate comprehension, accurate perception of the disseminated information, and compliance with regulations. Questions of trustworthiness, acceptability, effectiveness, and usefulness of messages and strategies communicated sought answers from the Bloemfontein population. Furthermore, the Agenda-setting Theory provided the grounding for the study. The study sample was picked in a stratified random sampling manner, using the confidence level and margin of error equation. A questionnaire survey was used to collect the data required to achieve the research objectives." (Abstract)
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"Although the internet facilitates connection, participation, and engagement, there is a need for new and innovative strategies for closing the gender digital divide in Uganda. A socio-economic, political, and robustic legal approach is needed to close the gender digital divide. This requires regula
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r reviews of existing legal frameworks to ensure they are aligned with the latest technological trends and issues, evidence-based research conducted, strategic litigation and guidelines for the government in formulating national policies in closing the gender digital divide in Uganda." (Conclusion, page 8)
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"This report assesses the extent to which the public participated in three recent ICT policy and law-making processes. These include the National Information Communications and Technology (ICT) Policy, 2019, the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act, 2018, and the Data Protection Act, 2019 [...] Gener
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ally, the government is yet to put in place a holistic, multi-disciplinary, multi-stakeholder, mechanism for public participation. For example, the Public Participation Bill, 2019 which could provide the framework for effective public participation, has not yet been enacted. Specifically, the three ICT processes were marked by cross-cutting inconsistencies in the interpretation and application of public participation. State agencies failed to: inform the public with objective, baseline research to enable stakeholders to understand the problem or need to be addressed by a process, and solutions proposed; consult stakeholders, and provide them with sufficient time to contribute to public calls for input, or give feedback on the consideration of stakeholder submissions; involve stakeholders to contribute to the processes from the beginning, avail equal opportunities for different stakeholders to contribute to the processes, or avoid duplication of processes; and, collaborate with stakeholders in decision-making to ensure consensus and balancing special interests against stakeholders’ inputs, evidence and facts." (Executive summary)
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"This report has documented the surveillance measures and practices in Kenya and Uganda during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. The key trends include poor oversight over COVID-19 data collection, the lack of independent data protection authorities, the use of telecommunications data to ‘t
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rack and trace’ individuals, the surveillance of public spaces using CCTV and biometric technologies, the possession of broad search powers by medical and public health officers, and a lack of transparency and accountability by state and nonstate actors. Also, the coronavirus apps deployed in both countries presented new challenges including their limited impact and effectiveness, non-compliance of the apps with privacy standards, their inadequate privacy policies, and a lack of transparency in partnerships. While international human rights law and the constitutions in both countries guarantee the protection of the rights to privacy, data protection, and freedom of expression and information, these were not complied with during the pandemic period. The result is an overall expansion of the surveillance environment in Kenya and Uganda, leading to interference with, and infringements and violations of these rights, a situation which is worrying if left unchanged." (Conclusion, page 20)
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"Since its adoption on 1 July 2020, the Protection of Personal Information Act has bolstered freedom of expression and the right to privacy. This legislation aims to protect citizens’ personal information and balance the right to privacy with other rights, such as access to information. In Februar
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y 2021, the Constitutional Court upheld the 2019 High Court decision that declared certain sections of the Regulation of Interception of Communication and Provision of Communication-Related Information Act unconstitutional as they violate the right to privacy. The Act had allowed for surveillance and the interception of communication. These positive developments were hampered by the COVID-19 pandemic, which affected freedom of expression and the operating environment of the media and journalists. As in other countries, journalism was considered an essential service in South Africa, which meant that with permission, journalists could continue reporting and were exempt from restrictions that kept most of the population in lockdown. Despite this, journalists found it difficult to access information, making first-hand news-gathering difficult. The Disaster Management Act of 2002 was also applied to manage the lockdowns. Under this Act, essential workers (including journalists) were required to have permits to travel to cover stories. In addition, the government’s attempts to prevent the spread of misinformation related to COVID-19 affected the free flow of information, as information became centralised within the Covid Command Centre. This had a chilling effect on freedom of expression and media freedom in South Africa. Journalists also faced further challenges regarding access to personal protective equipment and training on reporting safely during a pandemic. COVID-19 also affected the sustainability and viability of the media. Both the structure of newsrooms and business models were disrupted. The pandemic accelerated the pre-existing and long-term structural decline in print media, resulting in a devastating impact on the already fragile operations, with significant decreases in both circulation and advertising [...]" (Summary, page 5)
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"The survey found that 58% of Kenyans interviewed consume TV content on a typical day. This translates to approximately 16,740,493 Kenyans aged above 15 years who consume TV content. This is a drop from 74% of the respondents recorded in the 2020 survey. Across the regions, 60% of persons in North E
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astern, 57% of people in Western, 45% of people in Nyanza and 42% of people in Coast regions do not consume TV content. The average time per day spent watching TV was calculated to 2 hours. This is lower than the global average time spent watching TV, which is 3 hours, 24 minutes. Approximately 19% and 64% of the people access TV content via Pay TV decoders and free to air set top boxes. The most watched content on TV includes news, entertainment, religious and sports content, with at least 11% of all the mentions made by respondents. A total of 70% of the content consumed is on local TV content, compared to 30% of foreign TV content. Citizen TV, KTN Home and NTV had 27%, 11% and 9% of all the mentions respectively, as one of the 3 most watched TV channels by respondents. Some of the respondents could not however distinguish between KTN Home and KTN News. Across the country, radio content is consumed by 74% of Kenyans on a typical day. This translates to approximately 21,459,073 Kenyans who consume radio content. This proportion is not different from the proportion recorded in 2020 survey. The average time per day spent listening to radio was calculated to 2 hours. This is higher than the global average time spent on listening to radio, which is 1 hour [...]" (Executive summary)
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"The assessment found that Ethiopia's media ecosystem's weaknesses have made it vulnerable to fake news, misinformation, and hate speech. Some of the driving factors are undoubtedly historical, including the weak state of private media in Ethiopia, the critical role of the Ethiopian diaspora in medi
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a ownership, and the proliferation and wild rise in popularity of entertainment-news page services Facebook and Twitter. To better understand the problem, the project team analysed a small sample of fake news instances, misinformation, and hate speech, sorting them into sub-categories and looking for trends amongst them. Analysis of the samples' subject matter indicated that ethnonationalism and federalism were the topics most likely to feature examples of fake news, misinformation, and hate speech. Similarly, on examining the typologies of fake news samples, we found that the highest proportion was "fabricated" (without any grounding in truth). Equally, the assessment of misinformation revealed that propaganda and bias were prevalent. Perhaps unsurprisingly, there were relatively few hate speech examples from well-known media sources' print and social media pages. However, incitement to hostility against specific groups was often found in social media users' accompanying comments. Instances of all three categories are explored through case studies. Finally, the report considers and outlines a potential risk-based approach to mitigation. With a better understanding of the problems and challenges, it becomes easier to develop more nuanced solutions. The report proposes a pro-active and risk-based approach, which identifies likely and potentially fake news, misinformation, and hate speech flashpoints and lays out the actions that will be required to mitigate them." (Executive summary)
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"This practical guide aims to provide journalists with concrete legal tools to deal with online harassment, be it to identify punishable offences, to seek help from appropriate organisations, to efficiently gather evidence and to take steps should they decide to file a complaint against the perpetra
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tors. Where appropriate, it also presents examples of litigation initiated by journalists who were victims of online harassment. It covers online harassment of journalists in Australia, Brazil, Finland, France, Germany, India, Ireland, Japan, Kenya, the Netherlands, Sweden, the United Kingdom (England and Wales) and the United States. Although none of these countries provide specific provisions sanctioning online harassment of journalists, they all offer civil and criminal law provisions that make it possible to apprehend, punish and compensate all or part of the most common abuses committed against journalists. In addition to the comprehensive presentation of the legal tools available for journalists in each of these jurisdictions, this guide aims to provide journalists with an overview of the solutions available to combat situations of online harassment, in order to enable them to choose the best legal forum to exercise their rights." (Introduction)
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