"Many modern new religions in Japan, by using the mass media in their missionary work, managed to increase their influence on society in a very short time. With time, their use of media has also diversified, now covering all available formats: newspapers and journals, radio and TV, CS and video, the
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Internet and even smart phones. One of the characteristics of modern new religions is that they are associations composed of people bound by a common purpose rather than by shared blood or territory on which the traditional religions of Shrine Shinto and Sectarian Buddhism were established. It is this new principle of association that allowed new religions such as Soka Gakkai, Rissho Koseikai, Reiyukai, Tenrikyo and Shinnyoen to quickly gain more than a million followers." (Abstract)
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"Burma s media environment is underdeveloped and firmly anchored in old media, but changes have started. Radio is the most used media for entertainment and news in Burma, and domestic outlets have expanded rapidly in recent years. Television s growth in urban areas has been striking in recent years.
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A very limited number of private players have gained market access, tapping into a deep desire for entertainment, religion, and "news you can use." Burmese are cautious but appear to trust local media more than in the past. Web and mobile infrastructure lags with slow connections and low use. Mobile phone growth potential is high." (Conclusions, page 52)
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"For more than half a century, North Korea’s leaders have relied on a domestic media monopoly to control what information North Koreans can access and how narratives around that information are presented. But the situation on the ground is changing, thanks in large part to North Koreans’ expandi
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ng access to unsanctioned foreign media and information sources. InterMedia’s A Quiet Opening: North Koreans in a Changing Media Environment documents this evolution based on research among recent North Korean defectors, refugees and travelers abroad. The project’s assessment of the current state of the media environment in North Korea suggests that substantial numbers of North Koreans are able to access various forms of foreign media. These include foreign TV and radio broadcasts, and particularly foreign DVDs brought into the country from China by cross-border traders and smugglers. Other vectors for information from abroad include smuggled mobile phones capable of receiving foreign signals, and the exchange of illicit foreign content on otherwise legal MP3/MP4 players and USB drives." (www.audiencescapes.org, June 18, 2012)
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"This article explores the links between transnational media flows and social and political change in authoritarian regimes through a conjunctural study of Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a Burmese exile media organization. Drawing on observation and interviews conducted at DVB's Oslo studio during
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the 2010 elections in Burma as well as documentary research, the article explores how diasporic media may contribute to democratization in a military regime where press freedoms and political expression are severely curtailed. The first section draws on Appadurai's theory of global flows to scrutinize transnational flows of people, capital, media, ideas and technology contributing to DVB's operations from 1992 to 2010. The next section engages with theories of media and democracy in order to examine DVB's innovative satellite television coverage of the 2010 elections. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the ongoing relevance of opposition media based outside of Burma amid liberalization measures undertaken by Thein Sein's nominally civilian government in 2011." (Abstract)
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"At an international level, the media development community should advocate for standards governing media cross-ownership limitations, best practices in media licensing, and the licensing of the broadcast spectrum. States should adopt net neutrality and support increased uncensored access to social
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media and Internet news sources. They should scrutinize media ownership sales and declare non-transparent sales of media companies illegitimate and make their ownership visible. Media owners, governments, and media development funders and practitioners must modify the belief that advertising will always automatically support independent media. It won’t. It is not in any advertiser’s business model to underwrite news reporting; first and foremost, it is their fiduciary duty to build their own customer bases. If that means redirecting marketing strategies to more effective platforms, they will. And they have. The media development community should commit to aggressively accelerating the financial management, business, advertising, and digital media skills of media managers, particularly in transitional countries. When entering transitional markets, media outlets should first conduct audience research to establish a baseline for advertising rates. Cronyism and coercion lack force when advertisers, particularly large international advertisers, are given legitimate choices among alternatives. Media developers should support independent community and investigative reporting, especially local radio, through multiple funding sources, including helping to build local revenue bases, even if they exist outside traditional media business models." (Recommendations, page 31)
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"The first "theoretical perspectives" section has opinions and research articles by academic scholars and expert practitioners on new media and communication Issues and trends in Asia. Some of the topics covered include the dynamics arising out of the shift to the 'digilogue', mobile activism, corpo
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rate social responsibility, the television news industry, and state of development communication among other issues. The second section has 26 country profiles from all over the Asia-Pacific region. For the first time, Australia and New Zealand have been added to this edition. Each country chapter provides a snapshot into the communication and media landscape and includes a brief historical geography, political structure, economic indicators, and a more detailed media landscape. The media landscape profiles the current media and communication scene in the country, including the latest on the journalism, print media, broadcast media (radio, television, cinema), telecommunications, the Internet, new media, advertising, media training and media law sections. Statistical tables in each section present updated, key concise data for that country." (Back cover)
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"Ruling elites often try to co-opt civil society groups, and in times of political or military crises they can attempt to control the national information infrastructure. But a defining feature of civil society is independence from the authority of the state, even in countries such as Saudi Arabia a
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nd Egypt. And in important ways, digital communication networks are also independent of any particular state authority. What has been the impact of digital media on political communication in Muslim media systems? How have tools such as mobile phones and the internet affected the process of forming political identity, particularly for the young? When do such tools change the opportunity for civic action, and when do they simply empower ruling elites to be more effective censors? In this chapter, we analyze the best available micro-level data on technology use and changing patterns of political identity and macro-level data on networks of civil society actors." (Introduction)
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"This article examines the complexity of the internet control mechanisms in China by breaking it down to five layers, ranging from the government, service and content providers to webmasters and individual users. It inquires into the logic of the control mechanisms and how such logic is naturalized
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into organizations and individuals' everyday practices. It shows the dynamic between proactive, synchronized and reactive strategies and how the relationship between these components evolves in different phases. Through comparative online ethnography of the two most prominent Chinese forums located in China and the USA, QQ and MIT BBS, data analyses and interviews with regulators and content providers, this article aims at locating internet control in the historical trajectory and the socio-cultural specificity of China. More importantly, it reveals the effectiveness of these control mechanisms and the implications for the average internet user's everyday life." (Abstract)
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"This report summarises the presentations and recommendations made at the Conference on Media Development in Myanmar organised by the Myanmar Ministry of Information and Culture and UNESCO in cooperation with International Media Support (IMS) and Canal France International with support from the Gove
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rnments of Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The conference, held on 19–20 March 2012 in Yangon was historic as it was among the first of its kind to be held specifically on media development in Myanmar. The conference brought together a wide spectrum of Myanmar and international media specialists and media support organisations, donors and Myanmar government representatives to discuss media development and the way forward for the Fourth Estate in Myanmar. One aspect that set the conference apart was the involvement of members of the Myanmar exile media, including Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma, and Irrawaddy Magazine. Their presence indicated a major shift in the government’s attitude towards press freedom and a commitment to media reform." (Introduction, page 6)
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"Conclusions: Television remains the most important medium by far, both in terms of overall reach and as a news source. Internet access - heavily driven by mobile take-up - has reached critical mass, especially among key demographics. This phenomenon is national in nature and not just confined to mo
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re affluent urban areas. Given the heavy reliance on mobile for Internet access; Internet content needs to work well on mobile platforms. Any communications strategy for Indonesia has to take into account the large and growing role of social media, especially among the young." (Slide 40)
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"By getting connected with each other again, social media users seem to have more incentive to vote because approval by friends becomes an integral part of benefits from voting. In South Korea this phenomenon came at the dusk of the 1987 regime, which is a conservative representation system where yo
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unger, less wealthy, and progressive voters are under-represented and, thus, have little incentive to vote. Voter turnout going up again because of social media after twenty five years of going down has reversed a series of election outcomes since 2010. We pay special attention to Twitter which has played most of the political role for the past two years. The election law, last amended when there was no such thing as social media, failed to catch up with the political realities. Is democracy after Twitter going to be qualitatively different from the 1987 regime (i.e., democracy after democratization)? The reason to believe in the affirmative is that it solves at least partially the political representation problem inherent in the old system. The reason to remain pessimistic is that the offline party organizations, even democratic ones, tend to move in their vested interest rather than incorporating the new political energy accumulated in the social networks." (Abstract)
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"The rapid expansion of the Internet, marked by a storm of blogs and social networking platforms, is perceived as an enabling instrument for Muslims to be engaged globally. In this regard, the blogosphere can be a vehicle for worldwide interactions and the formation of global Muslim community, the u
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mmah. While this idea is enchanting, this article shows that such an idea needs judicious scrutiny. Using three prominent cases from Indonesia, this article tries to explore the ways in which Muslim bloggers in Indonesia use this new flexible form to be engaged in conversations that are related to Islam and to answer the following questions: How do the features of the blogosphere influence discussions on Islam related issues? Does the promise of a “global village” change the dynamics of Muslim communities in Indonesia? Does the blogosphere perpetuate a sense of ummah consciousness or does it reinforce nationalism? Does the blogosphere offer promising possibilities for new types of Muslim communities to emerge in the form of globalized community?" (Abstract)
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"A compilation of 13 articles that discuss social media developments and trends in Asia. For this publication we invited eleven alumni from the Konrad Adenauer Asian Center for Journalism (ACFJ) at the Ateneo de Manila University in the Philippines to share their views on social media issues based o
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n their inside knowledge and hands-on experience. The authors from six different countries provide insight into various new media trends and present diversified approaches, ranging from Cambodia, with comparably low Internet penetration, to Indonesia, which is considered the second biggest Facebook “nation” in the world. Topics include: Integration of social media in traditional newsrooms; Issues and challenges of social media; Social media and newsprint advertising; Social media and television networks; Ways to maximise and monetise social media; Investigative journalism and social media; Censorship and social media." (Back cover)
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"The May 2011 general election has been the most contested and most discussed in Singapore’s history. Prior to the polls, the government relaxed the rules on election campaigning in the Internet. For the first time in the highly wired city-state with its tech-savvy population of 5 million people,
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opposition parties had the chance to mobilize supporters via social-networking media like Facebook and Twitter. Bloggers used cyberspace extensively for political debate and comment. While the ever-ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) posted its worst result in decades, the opposition gained historical victories, at least by Singapore standards. Observers were quick to label the polls as an “Internet election”, implying that media activism in the city-state’s cyberspace had a decisive impact on the ballot. A more measured reading of the election outcome, however, suggests that the polls were not decided in Singapore’s web. The voters’ choice was largely influenced by bread-and-butter issues as well as a call for divergent voices in politics and more control of the government. Although online political expression since the mid-1990s has challenged the PAP’s authoritarian rule and has changed Singapore’s political culture, its impact in electoral terms has so far been limited. The PAP still keeps the city-state tightly under control, online and offline, and is likely to continue its dominance in the foreseeable future. It remains to be seen if Internet media activism can push the city-state towards an open democracy." (Abstract)
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"There seems little evidence that the rise and increasing availability and range of new media have given real reason to expect different political outcomes on grounds of new patterns of mobilization, particularly given a persistent “digital divide.” What has been happening, though, is an increas
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e in politicization broadly, and especially among urban youth, who form a formidable and aggressively-courted portion of the voting public. Those young voters with a partisan preference are more likely now than previously to exercise that preference, not just by voting, but also by finding and engaging with information and likeminded communities online or off. At any time, media are critical to movements for sociopolitical change, beyond elections. The spread of online news sites, blogs, social networking sites, and other new media increases the odds of media coverage of all sorts of engagement going forward, and may shift the locus of framing away from the state. All the while, the quantum of information in circulation—unfiltered and constant—grows accordingly, begging strategies for selecting what to read and what to ignore. The result is unlikely to be revolutionary, and could simply entrench existing patterns of identity politics all the more deeply, but is more likely to make Malaysia more participatory, and hence, more democratic in its politics." (Abstract)
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"Perlas na Silangan – Perle des Ostens – werden die Philippinen genannt. Das gesellschaftspolitische Handbuch, das nunmehr bereits in vierter, vollständig überarbeiteter und aktualisierter Auflage erscheint, liefert einen kompakten Einblick in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Land und Leute. Es verdi
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chtet die Informationen und Diskussionen zu zentralen gesellschaftspolitischen Problemfeldern in zahlreichen Beiträgen – zu Landwirtschaft und Landreform, zu Arbeitsmigration und sozialer Sicherung, zu Bildung, Gesundheit und Gender, Wirtschaft, Politik, Zivilgesellschaft und vielem mehr. Geschrieben von langjährigen PhilippinenkennerInnen skizziert das Buch die Lebenswelten und politischen Kämpfe in einem Land des globalen Südens. Es soll den LeserInnen dabei behilflich sein, eigene Einblicke zu unternehmen beziehungsweise zu vertiefen und neue Erkenntnisse zu gewinnen. Darüber hinaus möchte es bei zahlreichen Menschen Interesse für die Philippinen wecken sowie eventuelle touristische Erfahrungen bereichern." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In China as elsewhere, netizens have made new demands upon government and challenged conventional media to respond to popular concerns. Established approaches to controlling the media may be otiose; Party leaders are stressing the value of cooperation rather than confrontation and calling for a new
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relationship between media and authority. This article examines how the department of a city government traditionally tasked with controlling the media and shaping opinion is seeking to come to terms with the calls from the centre and, in the process, think up a different kind of relationship with the media. From dealings with press officers over four years, the authors identify a reflective and dynamic response to the present challenges. The respondents speculate that arrangements being put in place to deal with the new media environment may change fundamentally the relationships between authority and citizen, and the authors evaluate this." (Abstract)
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