"Freedom House has conducted a comprehensive study of internet freedom in 60 countries around the world. This report is the fourth in a series and focuses on developments that occurred between May 2012 and April 2013. The previous edition, covering 47 countries, was published in September 2012. 'Fre
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edom on the Net 2013' assesses a greater variety of political systems than its predecessors, while tracing improvements and declines in the countries examined in the previous editions. Over 70 researchers, nearly all based in the countries they analyzed, contributed to the project examining laws and practices relevant to the internet, testing the accessibility of select websites, and interviewing a wide range of sources. Of the 60 countries assessed, 34 have experienced a negative trajectory since May 2012." (Page 2)
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"Though Facebook’s near-ubiquitous lead might indicate that the global social network landscape is simplifying, it quickly becomes clear this is not the case. This report aims to help marketers assess the social network landscape in 27 countries by briefly examining four key factors: top social ne
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tworks, usage, social media advertising and mobile social trends." (Executive summary)
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"GISWatch 2013 shows that gains in women’s rights made online are not always certain or stable. While access to the internet for women has increased their participation in the social, economic and governance spheres, there is another side to these opportunities: online harassment, cyberstalking, a
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nd violence against women online all of which are on the increase globally." (www.giswatch.org, July 6, 2014)
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"In der noch jungen indonesischen Demokratie gibt es mittlerweile um die 600 Community Radios, wovon sich 400 auf Java befinden. Sie senden in einem begrenzten Radius und im Interesse ihrer Community. Je nach Region und Bedarf gibt es verschiedene thematische Ausrichtungen. In katastrophengeplagten
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Gebieten geht es um Disaster Management, in anderen Regionen geht es um nachhaltige Entwicklung und Wiederaufforstungsprogramme. Bei manchen geht es um die Bewahrung der Kultur, oder um politische Partizipation. Durch viel Engagement und Eigeninitiative schaffen die Radiomacher es, die Gemeinschaft zu verbinden und zu stärken. »Der Staat hilft uns nicht, also helfen wir uns selbst«, war ein Satz, den ich auf meiner zweimonatigen Reise durch Java oft hörte. Die Erwähnung der Community Radios im Rundfunkgesetz (Broadcasting Act No. 32/2002) wurde 2002 als großer Erfolg gefeiert, denn es bietet die Möglichkeit, durch den Erwerb von Lizenzen aus dem Zustand des »illegalen Radios« herausgeführt zu werden, was letztendlich auch vor Polizei-Razzien schützt. Bis heute jedoch stecken die Community Radios im Registrierungsprozess fest, und kein einziges hat bisher eine Lizenz erworben. Netzwerke wie JRSP fordern die Regierung auf, die hohen Hürden zu überarbeiten, doch bisher ist nichts passiert." (Seite 41)
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"Connecting the Last Mile explores how communities in the most devastated areas of the prefectures of Iwate, Miyagi and Fukushima got their information. It identifies which communications channels were used before, during and after the earthquake and tsunami, and it attempts to answer a central ques
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tion: what are the lessons learned about communications with disaster-affected populations from the megadisaster, not only for Japan but for the international community of humanitarian responders? The report demonstrates the importance of using all possible channels and technologies, from the highest tech to the lowest, in order to ensure connecting the “last mile” – that is, to reach the most vulnerable populations with critical information when disaster strikes." (Internews website)
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This is the second of the annual Reuters Institute Digital News surveys published by Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (RISJ) at Oxford University. You Gov online polls commissioned by RISJ were conducted with 11,000 online users in the UK, US, Denmark, France, Germany, Spain, Italy, Bra
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zil and Japan. For instance, the survey shows surprising national differences in the rate of online participation. The Spanish (27%), Italians (26%), and Americans (21%) were more than twice as likely to comment on a news story via a social network as the British (10%). Meanwhile urban Brazilians were five times more likely to comment on a news site than the Germans or Japanese surveyed, and nearly half (44%) shared a news story on a weekly basis via a social network, with around one third (32%) doing so by email. Study author Nic Newman, a Research Associate at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism and digital strategist, said: ‘Our findings suggest that the culture of a country is the main driver for how we engage with online news – playing an even greater part than the technical tools and devices we have to access it. People living in Brazil, Italy and Spain have much higher levels of interaction, both with the news sites and with each other, sharing and commenting about news stories. By contrast, although the Japanese appear to embrace the non traditional news sites, they have the lowest level of online and offline participation, followed by Germany, Denmark and the UK.’
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"Since the late 1990s South Korea has emerged as a new center for the production of transnational popular culture – the first instance of a major global circulation of Korean popular culture in history. Why popular (or not)? Why now? What does it mean socially, culturally and politically in a glob
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al context? This edited collection considers the Korean Wave in a global digital age and addresses the social, cultural and political implications in their complexity and paradox within the contexts of global inequalities and uneven power structures. The emerging consequences at multiple levels – both macro structures and micro processes that influence media production, distribution, representation and consumption – deserve to be analyzed and explored fully in an increasingly global media environment. This book argues for the Korean Wave’s double capacity in the creation of new and complex spaces of identity that are both enabling and disabling cultural diversity in a digital cosmopolitan world." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines, through the case study of Indonesia over recent decades, how the reporting of violence can drive the escalation of violence, and how journalists can alter their reporting practices in order to have the opposite effect and promote peace." (Publisher description)
"The Qatari news network, Al Jazeera, has emerged as a prime example of a global media contra-flow that has been able to give its region a voice in the international news arena. At a time when developments like the global economic crisis have called for greater checks and balances on Western governm
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ents and corporations, this paper takes a critical look at an increasingly prominent news player in the fast-growing developing region of East Asia, Channel NewsAsia, to ascertain if it is likely to rise up the ranks to the level of Al Jazeera. A critical discourse analysis comparing the coverage of Channel NewsAsia and the BBC’s most salient stories, however, shows that the Singapore-based station falls short in its claim to ‘provide Asian perspectives’ because it is constrained by political-economic factors to operate within an authoritarian developmental news model." (Abstract)
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»Die Khmer mögen keine Dokumentarfilme. Hier geht es nur um Unterhaltung.« Das haben mir lokale Filmemacher und TV Produzenten gesagt, als ich Kambodschas erstes unabhängiges Medien- und Kunstzentrum Meta House (www.meta-house.com) 2007 in der Hauptstadt Phnom Penh eröffnete. Ich wollte zu Kamb
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odschas kultureller Renaissance beitragen, nachdem es 30 Jahre lang unter Bürgerkrieg und dem Genozid Pol Pots gelitten hatte. Kambodschas eigene Filmindustrie wurde durch die Khmer Rouge 1975 zerstört. In den 80er und 90er Jahre erlebte es eine Art Wiederauferstehung, bis es dann durch steigende Produktionskosten, die Verfügbarkeit von billigen DVD Raubkopien und das Schließen vieler Kinos wieder zerstört wurde. Heute entsteht aber eine neue und spannende Filmszene um junge Filmemacher_ innen, die preisgekrönte Dokumentarfilme produzieren." (Seite 18)
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"Through the lens of China in Africa, this paper explores the transformations in the relationship between the Internet and the state. China’s economic success, impressive growth of Internet users and relative stability have quietly promoted an example of how the Internet can be deployed within the
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larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. New evidence suggests that this model is becoming increasingly popular, but it is not clear why and how it is spreading. Through a case study comparison of an emerging democracy, Kenya, and a semiauthoritarian country, Ethiopia, where China has recently increased its involvement in the communications sector, this paper investigates whether and how the ideas of state stability, development and community that characterize the strategies pursued by the Chinese government are influencing and legitimizing the development of a less open model of the Internet. It analyses how new ideas, technologies and norms integrate with existing ones and which factors influence their adoption or rejection. It is based on fieldwork conducted in Ethiopia and in Kenya between 2011 and 2013, where data was collected through mapping Internet related projects involving Chinese companies and authorities, analysing Internet policies and regulations, and interviewing officials in Ministries of Communication, media lawyers, Internet activists, and Chinese employed in the media and telecommunication sector in Kenya and Ethiopia." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on a historical approach to Malaysia's political development since independence, this paper argues that the political effects of the rise of Malaysia's new media are best understood as being parallel to those of modernization and socio-economic change from previous decades, which augured im
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portant changes in the political strategies of incumbent and opposition politicians, but did not upset the fundamental logic through which the Barisan Nasional (BN) regime has ruled since the 1970s." (Abstract)
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"Dance, music, and oral narratives are an important and vibrant part of cultural practice and heritage in Timor-Leste. But while Timorese people have used such creative methods and processes during rituals, celebrations, and their fight for independence, today arts and artistic expression become an
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increasingly popular strategy in development cooperation. Especially different forms of so-called participatory theater with origins in development cooperation, arts, and social movements, present themselves as innovative, participatory, and well applicable in terms of capacity building and stimulating positive social transformation. Based on the author’s experience and observations, this article critically examines the alliance between various stakeholders in Timor-Leste engaging with the fact that the current scene of participatory theater can hardly be seen as an independent grassroots or even social movement, rather than an initiated top-down process by donors with specific agendas." (Abstract)
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"This monograph provides a critical overview and assessment of the new and rising phenomenon of dakwahtainment or Islamic televangelism in post-reformasi Indonesia. This phenomenon feeds on the increasing materialist, consumerist, nihilistic and voyeuristic culture of celebrity that is currently eng
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ulfing Indonesia. It is set against a context where democratisation and media liberalisation are taking root in the Indonesian state and society. This work stems from action research conducted throughout 2012." (Introduction)
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"Rather than viewing social media activism as the harbinger of social change or dismissing it as mere “slacktivism,” the article provides a more nuanced argument by identifying the conditions under which participation in social media might lead to successful political activism. In social media,
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networks are vast, content is overly abundant, attention spans are short, and conversations are parsed into diminutive sentences. For social media activism to be translated into populist political activism, it needs to embrace the principles of the contemporary culture of consumption: light package, headline appetite and trailer vision. Social media activism is more likely to successfully mobilise mass support when its narratives are simple, associated with low risk actions and congruent with dominant meta-narratives, such as nationalism and religiosity. Success is less likely when the narrative is contested by dominant competing narratives generated in mainstream media." (Abstract)
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