"The Media, Transparency and Accountability in Albania project sought to strengthen the role of the Albanian media to promote transparency and government accountability by 1) investigating and informing citizens on issues of civic concern and corruption, and 2) developing, implementing and enforcing
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its own ethical and professional standards. The project was implemented by IREX Europe through the Hapur Foundation (a centre for investigative journalism), and the Union of Albanian Journalists (a professional association). IREX intended to support the Hapur Foundation in its efforts to increase Albanian media reporting on corruption through the development of magazine-style investigative TV programs produced by journalists from a country-wide network of stations. IREX also intended to support the Union s organizational capacity to advocate for journalists, monitor threats to media freedom, and build consensus on professional standards. IREX provided some training to both institutions at the start of the project and provided two experts in investigative reporting for some of the training. The $300,000 project ran from October 2008 through September 2010. The evaluation field work took place in February 2011, well after the project was completed. As a result, the evaluators relied on 1) project and other documents; 2) interviews; and 3) project products to conduct the evaluation. Findings: The project built on portions of an earlier media development project funded by USAID and implemented by IREX U.S. As a result, most of the project framework was already in place, making implementation of the UNDEF-funded activities by IREX Europe relatively straightforward. The project objectives and activities were relevant given the high levels of corruption, the lack of objective investigatory reporting and the difficult environment for journalists and outlets attempting to cover these types of issues in Albania. Hapur s reporting appeared to have been timely, investigating issues such as the preferential privatization of state assets and the functioning of unlicensed clinics. The Union s work to protect journalists and develop standards for independent journalism also served an important function in Albania s difficult media climate. Investigatory reporting is sensitive and most journalists work informally and have no protection other than the solidarity of other journalists coordinated through the Union [...]" (Executive summary)
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"Be they musicals or melodramas, war movies or animation, Russian films have a long and fascinating history of addressing the major social and political events of their time. From Sergei Eisenstein’s anti-tsarist drama, Battleship Potemkin, to socialist realism, to the post-glasnost thematic explo
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sion, this volume explores the socio-political impact of the cinema of Russia and the former Soviet Union. Introductory essays establish key players and situate important genres within their cultural and industrial milieus, while reviews and case studies analyze individual titles in considerable depth." (Back cover)
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"Two major conclusions can be drawn on the basis of our case study. First, our analysis confirms that war reporting is characterized by a confluence of nationalist and sexist discourse. This discursive universe restricts the lives of women to a rather limited set of roles tied to the private domain
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– caring mothers, loving wives, dutiful daughters and sisters – and expects them to reproduce the nation both biologically and culturally. Indeed, the television coverage of the military conflict between the Yugoslav People’s Army and the Slovenian Territorial Defence in 1991 was almost devoid of female actors, let alone women who would appear in professional, public capacity. Out of all news reports dedicated to the conflict over the course of 20 days, women appear as participants in fewer than 5 percent of them and, of these, the vast majority are identified as wives and mothers, whose main concerns are achieving biological reproduction and protection of their families and their nation." (Conclusion, page 1057)
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"Cyrus Farivar explores the Internet's history and effects in four distinct and, to some, surprising societies—Iran, Estonia, South Korea, and Senegal. He profiles Web pioneers in these countries and, at the same time, surveys the environments in which they each work [...] Skype was invented in Es
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tonia—the same country that developed a digital ID system and e-voting; Iran was the first country in the world to arrest a blogger, in 2003; South Korea is the most wired country on the planet, with faster and less expensive broadband than anywhere in the United States; Senegal may be one of sub-Saharan Africa's best chances for greater Internet access." (Back cover)
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"Media scholars and students, professionals and policy-makers alike will be introduced to the specific problems and perspectives of media accountability in different media systems and journalistic cultures. The status quo of media criticism online across Europe will be a key issue and provide insigh
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ts into the innovative potential of media accountability in the digital age. Looked at from a comparative point of view, the reports hint at the formation of different cultures of media accountability within Europe and its adjacent countries. These media accountability cultures partly overlap with the journalism cultures identified in the well-known model by Hallin & Mancini who differentiate between North Atlantic or Liberal, Mediterranean or Polarised Pluralist, and Northern European or Democratic Corporatist media systems. At the same time, the development of media accountability and transparency shows distinctive features incongruent with established models of journalism cultures." (Back cover)
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"This wide range of contemporary mass media research illustrates how Central Asia press outlets remain tightly controlled and manipulated, first under the czars, then under the Soviets, and now under authoritarian regimes. Over the past two decades, the press systems have not achieved even minimal d
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emocratization and independence by international standards. Perhaps the Internet and other technologies will have a better chance of circumventing censors and the economic obstacles that deny the great mass of Central Asians the ability to participate in a useful dialog leading to more transparent and participatory governance. Several overarching observations emerge from this synthesized examination of recent research. The five separate press systems that replaced the single Soviet system share many commonalities, although significant differences also exist. These studies indicate varying but not decisive degrees of external influences from multi-governmental entities, media-building foundations, and promoters of civil society; such influences on Central Asian media development originate with mostly Western-based journalism and mass media trainers. Another observation concerns regimes’ use and abuse of laws to control information about public affairs and public issues. That pattern evident from several studies reflects a disconnect between constitutional and statutory guarantees of press freedom on one side and actual threats to those guarantees on the other side due to libel and “honor and dignity” suits, criminal prosecutions, and tightening regulation of the Internet. Examined collectively, these studies suggest the following obstacles to democratic and independent media development in Central Asia: strict governmental and extra-governmental restraints on the press, regardless of the type of medium—print, broadcast, or Internet; inadequate professional training, leadership, resources, financial incentives, and ethical standards for journalists and prospective journalists; limitations on the ability of domestic and international press and human rights defenders to compel changes in policies and laws; insufficient market resources to create and sustain independent news organizations; and a resulting lack of credibility and public trust in the press." (Summary and conclusions, page 142)
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"Die Forderung nach Sicherheit im Internet, besonders in Hinblick auf die persönlichen Daten, die Gewährung der Freiheit dieses Mediums ohne staatliche Eingriffe, die Diskussion um adäquate Formen des Urheberrechts und seiner Durchsetzung sowie eine Fokussierung auf die Risiken verbunden mit eine
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m latenten Vorwurf eines unbedingten Reglementierungswillens des Staates sind Eckpunkte der deutschen netzpolitischen Debatte. Die Publikation soll mit Blick auf die netzpolitischen Entscheidungen in anderen Ländern einen Referenzrahmen bieten, der die Diskussion in Deutschland befruchten kann." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Mediated public diplomacy plays an important role in achieving foreign policy objectives by trying to influence public opinion in other countries. The Russia-based global TV channel RT serves as a central tool of Russian mediated public diplomacy. Its objective is not only to present the Russian pe
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rspective on different issues but also to propagate it. However, there is not much research on RT in general and none on the strategies RT employs to persuade its viewers of the rightness of the Russian stance. This article explores the use of persuasive strategies in the RT interview show Spotlight. A qualitative content analysis of 15 episodes, which discuss Russian relations to its Baltic neighbours Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, revealed that Spotlight constructed a one-sided pro-Russian reality. Various strategies are employed to hedge this reality against doubts about its trueness as well as to support Russia's position in conflicts with the Baltic States. By this, RT aims to isolate the Baltic States internationally in order to help Russia in achieving its foreign policy objectives." (Abstract)
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"In September 2011 FES initiated the Balkan Media Barometer (BMB) with Bosnia and Herzegovina serving as a pilot project for South East Europe and the rest of the continent. A panel of experts from BiH discussed and scored a list of 44 indicators based on standards referenced to European documents,
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most of them drawn up by the Council of Europe. This approach of working on the basis of home-grown principles is meant to give the assessments greater relevance and to allow civil society groups and media activists in the various countries to evaluate and measure up their findings directly against declarations and documents adopted and accepted by their own governments." (Introduction)
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"This paper explores the use of new information technologies in Russia to examine the next generation of media development and to ask how the ability of the “network society” – and the new forms of collective action it allows to contribute to social change can be supported. Building on the ide
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a of the “fifth estate,” and how networked individuals and institutions can use the Internet as a platform to challenge the influence of other more established bases of authority, these examples of social media and online activism – specifically blogging and crowdsourcing – show how Russia’s networked society is helping invigorate the country’s civil society and traditional media." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"This is an applied facilitator’s guide for reform managers, change agents, development practitioners, and training professionals who need to use smart communication techniques—the relevant concepts, frameworks and applications—to promote change through governance reform. It is grounded on the
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expert knowledge and practical research from academics and scholars and practitioners in the field, culled and enriched from CommGAP’s series of global dialogue on key governance issues." (Back cover)
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