"The main partners of the project have been Somali National Television (SNTV), Somali Ministry of Information and Public Awareness, and the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ). After expanding the geographical coverage of the project in 2015, partnerships were also established with Somalila
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nd Journalists Association (SOLJA) and Media Association of Puntland (MAP). Several women journalist associations have likewise participated in the project implementation. This evaluation covers the first phase of the project (2014–2016), including observations from cost-extended first phase trainings arranged in May 2017. The aim of the evaluation is to provide sufficient information about the performance of the project, to identify possible obstacles hindering the expected outcomes, and to provide recommendations for future. Based on the key findings, the project has been relevant, highly effective and efficient. The project has responded to a well-articulated need: the professional capacity of Somali journalists is still relatively low, as is their general understanding of media ethics. The project is relevant and aligns well with national priorities. The project activities have been carried out through collaboration of Finnish specialists and Somali stakeholders in such a way that the project ownership remains in Somalia. The project has been highly effective. As a result of the project, the first multi-camera TV studio in Somalia was constructed with modern news production and editing system. The studio enabled first ever live broadcasting of news in Somalia. The quality of SNTV news production has also visibly improved. Video and sound quality is more professional, news inserts are shorter, more compact and cover a wider range of topics. More investigative programmes and children and youth programmes have also emerged. Close to 400 journalists from across Somalia and Somaliland have taken part in training courses on basic journalism skills and journalism ethics, by far exceeding the project’s initial goal. Furthermore, around 120 representatives from the police, judiciary and key ministries have received training on freedom of expression and respect for media rights. The approach has been ground-breaking by bringing together journalists and security officials and improving their respect for one another. General findings on the cost-effectiveness and efficiency showcase that Vikes has been spending much less than other international media support organizations to provide quality trainings with noticeable results. Yet, as anticipated, the challenging operational environment has also hampered the project implementation. Some activities have been postponed either due to the volatile security situation or logistic delays. Lack of spare parts and technical equipment in Somalia has also hindered the maintenance of the news production studio and affected some of the in-house trainings." (Executive summary, page 3-4)
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"Mobile money embodies financial opportunity in Somalia. Deemed convenient, affordable and fast, mobile money has been widely adopted. It has reached a penetration rate of 83% in urban areas, 72% in IDP camps and 55% in rural areas, compared to a penetration rate of 15 for formal bank accounts. Give
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n the depreciation of the local currency and lack of other satisfying and accessible alternatives, people and firms rely heavily on mobile money for their daily money transfers, and mobile money services have been acting as a virtual dollarized currency. Thus, mobile money has become the primary financial instrument in Somalia and Somaliland while cash usage is decreasing. The ecosystem is also already robust, with nearly two thirds of users choosing to keep funds in their mobile accounts rather than cashing them out. Large shares in the value mix of disbursements and bill and merchant payments suggest an expanding ecosystem of institutions and businesses using the system. Most of the success has been due to the home grown nature of mobile money. Mobile Network Operators have managed to nurture, from scratch, a local context appropriate, unique and compelling mobile money ecosystem that meets Somalis’ needs. This is a substantially different environment than telecommunications in countries across the rest of the African continent, which have traditionally been dominated by incoming multi nationals such as India’s Bharti or France’s Orange. Given Somalia’s complex political environment and volatile security conditions, investments in telecommunications have been almost exclusively led by Somalis, both from the diaspora and within the country. As a result, the ICT sector has been able to leverage Somali social and business networks, and has created products uniquely suited to the Somali context. While mobile money services are broadening the reach of financial services for the unbanked, the most vulnerable are more likely to be excluded from the system. Barriers to direct use by the poorest segments include cellular coverage, cost of phone ownership and use, limited access to electrical power, illiteracy and the predominance of mobile money services being offered in USD (rather than the local Shilling valued in rural areas). Nevertheless, there is strong evidence of a social impact Mobile money circulates across groups of different vulnerability levels and in a society of frictionless financial interdependence, mobile money enables more fluidity within the family and clan, and constitutes a lifeline for the poor. Mobile money transfers from NGOs and aid agencies also contribute to flows targeting vulnerable populations." (Executive summary)
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"Somaliland needs legal, policy and institutional reforms in order to avoid arbitrary and politically motivated interference with the dissemination of information and opinions to the public. This is the conclusion of one of the papers presented at the 4th Annual Conference organized by the Social Re
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search and Development Institute (SORADI). With a focus on media development, the conference in Hargeisa on August 24 and 25 [2013] brought together representatives from government institutions, policy makers, civil society as well as academics, journalists, international scholars, and traditional leaders to discuss, debate and exchange ideas on press freedom in Somaliland's young democracy. With 57 licensed newspapers, 8 TV stations, 108 news websites but only one public radio station the first contribution to the discussion centered on the media industry, its practices and the lack of enforcement of regulatory frameworks. Lessons from what the author of the second paper called "Africa's freedom of speech dilemma" guided the conversation on what there is to learn for Somaliland. Further afield, the third paper dealt with the role of the Diaspora in shaping the media landscape in Somaliland. As part of the discussion on professional media practices, the fourth presentation looked at challenges of Somaliland Universities to offer relevant studies programmes. Debating the intricate issue of balancing rights and responsibilities of media, the fifth paper looked at the performance of the media during the time of elections. The final paper summarised promises and challenges of media freedom in Somaliland." (https://ke.boell.org)
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"Somaliland has held several competitive and multiparty elections that have been cited by international election monitors as being ‘‘free and fair.’’ While political competition has been tolerated, or even encouraged by the governments in power, there has been a continued reluctance to allow
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private radio stations. Citing the possibility of destabilizing Somaliland’s delicate peace, arguments against the liberalization of the media include concerns of radios used to further political polarization, mobilize groups to escalate simmering conflicts and violence, and the capacity of the government to regulate media outlets. This article locates these arguments against media liberalization in the context of Somaliland’s larger nation- and state-building project suggesting that in transitions from war to peace, no matter how prolonged, there are very real concerns about processes of institutionalization and the sequencing of democratic reforms." (Abstract)
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"This article discusses the role of newspapers in the ongoing democratisation process in Somaliland. It shows that, embedded in Somali culture and the recent history of the region, freedom of speech in Hargeysa, the capital of Somaliland, is cultivated by and in print media established after the civ
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il war. Several debates in the newspapers which have centred on sensitive political issues are used to exemplify this point. In some regards, the newspapers continue the legacy of the civil war. Most newspaper owners and journalists participated actively in the guerrilla struggle against the dictatorial regime of Mahamed Siyad Barre. The result of the struggle was secession from Somalia and the independence of Somaliland as a de facto state. The country, however, does not enjoy international recognition, and not all inhabitants support its independence. Against this background the newspapers are actively involved in a ‘nation-building’ struggle that marginalises a significant part of the population and harbours the potential for renewed civil war in the region." (Abstract)
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"The lack of a consolidated government since the fall of Siyad Barre’s regime in 1991 has led to a proliferation in the number and variety of media sources in Somalia. However, inter-factional violence and conflict has since torn the country apart, creating a difficult environment for media practi
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tioners to work in. In the self-proclaimed autonomous state of Somaliland, relative political stability and cooperation from the community has created a potentially conducive environment to media development. However, a lack of international recognition has limited access to the financial assistance needed to strengthen the media sector outside of the public domain. Changes in university curricula and international initiatives have increased training options for journalists. More and more journalists are being trained in the basic skills and ethics of journalism which, as interviewees agree, has had a positive impact on the quality and quantity of information disseminated. Steady changes in production methods and content have increased the variety of programmes on TV and radio. Poverty and lack of infrastructure have limited the spread of TV and print in Somalia. Likewise, with low levels of literacy in Somalia, radio has the greatest reach, but stations remain concentrated in Mogadishu. An important change to the industry has been the formation of various journalistic trade unions, but journalists remain amongst some of the poorest paid in the world." (Summary & conclusions, page 77)
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"This brief report has been prepared as a guideline to participants and those they work with to help them put participatory video into practice and deepen their application of rights-based strategies in their work. It traces through the process of the workshop held in Hargeisa, from 2 until 9 Decemb
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er 2006. Samuel Musyoki of the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, was the lead facilitator of the workshop. Thus much of this material draws from his work. Technical video use and exercises draw from Insights into Participatory Video, A Handbook for the Field, Nick and Chris Lunch, Insight, 2006, and Video for Change; a practical guide for activists, Witness, 2000. The facilitation tools also draw from a whole range of Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) principles and methods. PLA refers to ways of working with people through active and direct involvement for facilitating sharing, learning, discovering and action. PLA methods start from the belief that people know and are capable of identifying and sharing issues (life situations), analyzing and learning from their analysis and thus developing strategies and action for addressing the situations. They use visual methods, interactive processes and group learning; put emphasis on enabling people to speak up and out; and are committed to generating knowledge for action (rather than simply for understanding)." (Pages 4-5)
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