"Research on new media has always highlighted the assumption that in authoritarian contexts, communication technologies provide political activists with ampler space than available in the heavily policed physical world. However, social and political changes taking place throughout Egypt and the Arab
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region reflect a shift. In a country like Egypt, where only around 30 % of the population have internet access, the vibrant digital media scene is relocating itself once more in public spaces. Digital initiatives, such as Askar Kadhibun (Lying generals) and Musirrin (Steadfast), are transforming online media material into older (pre-modern) modes of traditional media, such as graffiti and traveling street performances. This constitutes a shift towards the ascendancy of popular cultural production, and a challenge to the reification and sacrilization of digital media in a context where poverty and illiteracy play a major role in both the dissemination of information and in political mobilization." (Abstract)
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"Any observer of the so-called Arab Spring, the massive wave of political revolt that has been sweeping the Arab region since 2011, could not help but notice the visible role that women have been playing in it. Hundreds of thousands of Arab women throughout the region, including in some of the most
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traditional, conservative countries, like Yemen and Bahrain, took to the streets, alongside men, calling for an end to dictatorship and repression and demanding dignity and freedom (Khamis 2011; Radsch 2011, 2012). In doing so, they were not confining themselves to stereotypical gender roles, such as nurturing or supporting men in their struggle for freedom. Rather, they were often in the front lines of resistance, risking their lives, exposed to the dangers of arrest or assault. The Arab Spring unveiled “numerous examples of courageous Arab women heroes risking not only their reputation but also their physical safety for the sake of reform” (Al-Malki et al. 2012: 81)." (Abstract)
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"This brief lays out 10 theories grounded in diverse disciplines and worldviews that have relevance to the world of advocacy and policy change. These theories can help to untangle beliefs and assumptions about the inner workings of the policy making process and identify causal connections supported
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by research to explain how and why a change may or may not occur. This piece is not meant to be comprehensive of all possible relevant theories and approaches; rather, it introduces and illustrates a handful of theories that may be useful to advocates, funders, and evaluators. While the theories included may have broad applicability, the brief is grounded in the context of US domestic policy. Knowing about existing theories may sharpen your own thinking, provide new ways of looking at the policy world, and give you a leg up on developing your own theory of change. The final section gives concrete examples of the way in which advocates, funders, and evaluators can use this brief in their work." (Introduction, page 1-2)
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"Panos is working with 20 radio stations across Uganda to give voice to the voiceless through facilitating debate. It isagainst this background that Panos Eastern Africa (PEA) has developed this Guide to help our partner radio stations and journalists improve the quality of their debate and hope it
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will be useful to the media in general. The guide therefore highlights the role of radio producers and moderators in reaching rural communities recognizing that they too can set agenda for news and debate on radio, thereby positively contributing to the country’s development in all spheres. The rural debate methodology has highlighted the potential radio has to create an informed society that can hold leaders at the different levels to account." (Foreword)
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"Social media, particularly blogging, Facebook and Twitter, have played a key role in instigating, accelerating and even organizing some of the uprisings and revolutions that have been taking place all over the Middle East. This role has been effective in galvanizing the youth and empowering them in
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their fights against repressive regimes and their plight for more freedom and independence. This study looks into the social media role in the so-called “Facebook revolution”, which took place in Egypt in January 2011 and the so-called “Twitter uprising”, which took place in Iran in June 2009. The Egyptian revolution did succeed in toppling the regime, while the Iranian uprising failed. Why did the calls for political change that started in the virtual world lead to actual change in the real world in Egypt but not in Iran? This study addresses this question by providing a critical analysis of the available literature and interviews with online activists in Egypt and Iran. The authors used the SPIN model (Segmentation, polycentrism, integration and networking) as a theoretical framework and concluded that the model helped social media succeed in Egypt, but not in Iran." (Abstract)
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"This report presents the main findings of three regional surveys on participation at local and community radio stations in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Pacific. The studies examined the involvement of the radio stations’ communities in programming, management, ownership and funding. Partic
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ipation of the community is an important feature of almost all stations participating in the survey. In all regions, involvement in programming is strongest. Results show that “traditional” forms of listener involvement, such as participation in talk shows or call-in programmes - which can also be found at public or commercial radio stations – are most frequent in local/community radios. Participation in management, ownership and funding are less common. Whereas the ranking of the various areas of participation is similar throughout the regions, differences exist in their importance: Latin American radios top participation in programming, but they are far below average in management and ownership. In Africa, the level of participation in financing and ownership is comparatively high. In Asia, participation in management plays a crucial role. The majority of the stations generate revenue through multiple sources. In Latin America, advertising is of primary importance, in Africa, sale of airtime and funding by foreign and local donors are relatively significant, while in Asia, governmental support plays a bigger role than in the other two continents. Lack of funds is seen as the most severe constraint for an increased participation of communities in all regions covered by the survey. An early involvement of the communities (in the planning and implementation phase) and their organisation in listeners' clubs are two factors that lead to stronger participation." (Abstract)
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"Ce rapport présente les principales conclusions de trois enquêtes régionales sur la participation dans certaines stations de radio locales et communautaires en Afrique, en Asie, en Amérique latine et en Océanie. Les enquêtes ont porté sur la participation des communautés dans la programmati
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on, la gestion, la propriété et le financement des radios. Les résultats ne sont en aucun cas représentatifs; ils fourniront cependant une base pour la poursuite de recherches plus approfondies et conduiront à une publication. La participation de la communauté est un élément important pour presque toutes les stations qui ont participé à l'enquête. Dans toutes les régions, la participation dans la programmation est la plus forte. Les résultats montrent que les formes «traditionnelles» de la participation des auditeurs, comme la participation à des talk-shows ou à des programmes interactifs – présentes également dans les radios publiques ou commerciales, sont très fréquentes dans les radios locales et/ou communautaires. La participation à la gestion, à la propriété et au financement est moins répandue. Bien que le classement des différents domaines de la participation soit semblable dans toutes les régions, il présente certaines différences dans leur importance : les radios d'Amérique latine montrent une participation particulièrement élevée dans la programmation, mais sont de loin inférieures à la moyenne au niveau de la gestion et la propriété. En Afrique, le niveau de participation dans le financement et la propriété est relativement élevé. En Asie la participation à la gestion joue un rôle important. La majorité des stations génèrent des revenus par des sources et des activités multiples et variées. En Amérique latine, la publicité est d'une importance primordiale; en Afrique, la vente de temps d’antenne ainsi que le financement par des donateurs étrangers et locaux sont deux facteurs relativement notables, tandis qu'en Asie, l'appui du gouvernement joue un rôle plus important que dans les deux autres continents. Le manque de fonds est considéré comme la contrainte la plus forte pour une participation accrue des communautés dans toutes les régions couvertes par l'enquête. Une implication précoce des communautés (dès les phases de planification et de mise en oeuvre) et leur organisation en clubs d’auditeurs sont deux facteurs qui conduisent à une plus forte participation." (Résumé)
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"Este informe presenta los principales resultados de tres sondeos regionales sobre la participación en las radios locales y comunitarias en África, América Latina, Asia y el Pacífico. Los sondeos investigaron la participación de las respectivas comunidades en la programación, la gestión, la p
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ropiedad y el financiamiento de las emisoras. La participación de la comunidad es un elemento importante en casi todas las radios participantes en este sondeo. En todos los continentes, la participación se da con mayor fuerza en el área de la programación. Los resultados muestran que las formas 'tradicionales' de participación de los oyentes, como los programas de entrevistas o la participación por teléfono – también muy de uso en la radio pública o comercial - son las más frecuentes en la radio local y comunitaria. La participación en la gestión, la propiedad y el financiamiento es menos común. Mientras la clasificación de las diferentes áreas de participación es similar a través de las regiones investigadas, se dan sin embargo ciertas diferencias de importancia: las emisoras latinoamericanas tienen mayor participación a nivel de la programación, pero están por debajo del promedio en las áreas de gestión y propiedad. En África el nivel de participación en el financiamiento y la propiedad es relativamente alto. En Asia la participación en la gestión juega un papel fundamental. La mayoría de las radios genera ingresos por una variedad de fuentes. En América Latina la publicidad es de primera importancia, en África la venta de espacios radiales y el financiamiento por donantes locales y extranjeros tienen un peso significativo, mientras que en Asia el financiamiento del estado juega un papel mayor que en los otros dos continentes. En todas las regiones que cubrió el sondeo, se percibe la falta de fondos como el limitante más severo para lograr una mayor participación de las comunidades. Un compromiso 'temprano' de las comunidades (ya en la fase de planificación y ejecución) y la existencia de clubes de oyentes son dos factores que conducen a una participación más intensa." (Resumen)
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"An extraordinary wave of popular protest swept the Arab world in 2011. Massive popular mobilization brought down long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, helped spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, and fundamentally reshaped the nature of politics in the region. New media -
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at least that which uses bit.ly linkages - did not appear to play a significant role in either in-country collective action or regional diffusion during this period. This lack of impact does not mean that social media - or digital media generally - were unimportant. Nor does it preclude the possibility that other new media technologies were significant in these contexts, or even that different Twitter or link data would show different results. But it does mean that at least in terms of media that use bit.ly links (especially Twitter), data do not provide strong support for claims of significant new media impact on Arab Spring political protests. New media outlets that use bit.ly are more likely to spread information outside the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry. This dissemination could be significant if it led to a boomerang effect that brought international pressure to bear on autocratic regimes, or helped reduce a regimefs tendency to crack down violently on protests. It is increasingly difficult to separate new media from old media. In the Arab Spring, the two reinforced each other. New media must be understood as part of a wider information arena in which new and old media form complex interrelationships. Of the four major Arab Spring protests analyzed - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Bahrain - large differences were found across the four in the amount of information consumed via social media. The events in Egypt and in Libya (#jan25 and #feb17, respectively) garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs than those in Tunisia and Bahrain." (Summary, page 3)
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"To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most successful social moveme
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nts in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians, broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism into offline protests." (Abstract)
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"In this book, based on the culture-centered approach to social change, we listen to the voices of resistance across the globe that foreground alternative rationalities of social, political, and economic organizing, challenging the hegemony of neoliberal ideology in organizing global economies. Prim
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arily based on the economic substratum of resistance work, the book highlights the discourses, messages, and narratives of change that are articulated by the very people who are rendered invisible by the structures of neoliberalism. Drawing upon earlier work in Communication Studies that outlines the relationships between the discursive and material processes of resistance, the voices in this book engage with the possibilities of transformative politics as embodied in the agentic expression of those across the globe who are participating in varied forms of collective actions in order to be recognized and to resist the unequal policies promoted by neoliberalism. Drawing upon the Subaltern Studies framework, on one hand, the book begins with the key concepts of deconstruction that are embodied in the critical communication literature; on the other hand, the deconstructive turn is seen as an opening for engaging with the positive sites of transformative politics that depict subaltern struggles for recognition and representation." (Preface, pix-x)
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"The Protection Project encourages the dissemination of information about the best ways to combat trafficking in persons by recommending five main components of civil society: (a) nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), (b) corporations, (c) academia, (d) media, and (e) faith-based organizations. The
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Protection Project’s '100 Best Practices in Combating Trafficking in Persons: The Role of Civil Society' offers examples of some successful initiatives that have been undertaken by representatives of those five main categories. This publication is intended to serve as a guide in the design and implementation of anti-trafficking practices worldwide, as well as to inform the general public about outstanding contributions to the fight against trafficking in persons. This document is divided into five parts: Part I highlights initiatives carried out by NGOs, which are grouped under four broad categories: prevention, protection, identification and investigation, and multipronged initiatives. Part II lists initiatives undertaken by corporations, employment agencies, unions, and workers’ associations. Research projects, secondary school, and university courses about trafficking in persons, as well as clinical programs, are grouped in Part III, which is devoted to academia. Part IV focuses on media initiatives and highlights the different means used to inform the widest possible audience about trafficking in persons, including news programs, documentaries, films, websites, and mobile applications. Finally, Part V highlights the role that religious institutions can play in the fight against trafficking and lists initiatives taken by faith-based organizations." (Introduction, page 1)
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"In the 2012 elections, the internet – and particularly the social networks – became more important than ever before and took up an unprecedented amount of space in the media. The role played by Web 2.0 in the 2012 elections in Mexico cannot be assessed without bringing the #YoSoy132 movement in
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to the equation. This phenomenon brought together the two elements of “youth participation” and “Web 2.0 tools” to enliven the political debate during the election campaign." (https://www.kas.de)
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"This book focuses on the impact of digital media use for political engagement across varied geographic and political contexts, using a diversity of methodological approaches and datasets. The book addresses an important gap in the contemporary literature on digital politics, identifying context dep
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endent and transcendent political consequences of digital media use. While the majority of the empirical work in this field has been based on studies from the United States and United Kingdom, this volume seeks to place those results into comparative relief with other regions of the world. It moves debates in this field of study forward by identifying system-level attributes that shape digital political engagement across a wide variety of contexts. The evidence analyzed across the fifteen cases considered in the book suggests that engagement with digital environments influences users' political orientations and that contextual features play a significant role in shaping digital politics." (Publisher description)
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"Key Findings: About 17 million people in the Arab region are using Facebook, available in Arabic, with 5 million in Egypt alone, and demand is expected to grow on micro-blogging sites. Twitter announced it will launch its Arabic interface in 2011; Arab governments are developing, at varying rates,
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the telecommunications infrastructure for greater Internet connectivity through broadband, mobile Internet, and fiber optic cable to the home for increased Internet speeds and capacities to meet future demands of digital economies and youth, who comprise about half of the regional population; Along with technical capacities come increasing efforts to monitor, filter, and block websites, and harass, arrest, and incarcerate activists or citizens for their online writings. Sites of NGOs and others critical of government have withstood cyber-attacks on content and e-mail accounts; Even when Internet users are not breaching traditional red lines, authorities in the region call upon emergency laws, cyber crimes laws, anti-terrorism laws, ISPs’ terms and conditions, and press and publications laws that provide justification for the arrest, fines, and incarceration of individuals for certain online writing or related activities." (Summary)
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