"This report provides analysis of the 593 killings of journalists as condemned by the Director-General of UNESCO between 1 January 2006 and 31 December 2013 with an emphasis on cases which took place in 2012 and 2013. With 123 killings, 2012 constitutes the deadliest year for journalists since the r
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eport was first compiled in 2008. In 2013, the overall number of killings was 91 deaths, a decrease by a quarter compared to 2012. However, this figure still represents the second highest number of killed journalists since the report was first presented. “Traditional media” have been the most affected by fatal attacks. Print journalists constitute the largest number, with 244 journalists killed (41 percent). This is followed by journalists working in television with 154 killed (26 percent) and radio with 123 killed (21 percent). The vast majority of the 593 journalists killed over this period have been local (around 94 percent). Approximately 94 percent of all killed journalists are men. Nevertheless women journalists face specific risks in their work including sexual attacks and harassment which is not reflected in the statistics of fatal attacks. Overall, the Arab States region registered the highest number of killings of journalists at 190 deaths (32 percent) of the total. Asia and the Pacific region accounted for 179 deaths (30 percent), Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region for 123 deaths (21 percent), African region for 76 deaths (13 percent), and Europe and the North America region for 25 deaths (4 percent)." (Summary)
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"This article analyzes the framing of Norwegian media coverage of the war against terror in Afghanistan with special emphasis on the coverage of the Norwegian military presence in Afghanistan. Norwegian forces became involved in a military intervention for the first time since the Second World War w
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hen ex-Yugoslavia was attacked in April 1999. At that time, Norway provided military support for the invasion and placed fighter planes and Norwegian pilots at the disposal of NATO. The war in Afghanistan represented an additional dimension, with Norwegian ground forces taking part in the hunt for al-Qaida fighters in the mountains of Afghanistan. The purpose of this article is to give a picture of Norwegian media coverage of the war in Afghanistan, with a special emphasis on the coverage of Norway's role in the conflict. As a small country with traditionally close relations to US, Norway had to balance, like many other small countries, between the need to uphold its traditional policy of complying with international law, and the desire to avoid provoking the USA with criticism and actions that could be regarded as disloyal and thus harm the bilateral relationship. This dilemma must also be seen as a problem for the mainstream media, which traditionally has been loyal to Norwegian security policy. Two main issues are discussed: 1. How was the start of the war covered in the media in October 2001? 2. In what context was the Norwegian military presence covered? The two newspapers analyzed are Aftenposten and VG. The choice of these two newspapers was made to include Norway's largest and potentially most influential morning paper (Aftenposten) and its largest tabloid, as well as largest newspaper (VG). Quantitative as well as qualitative methods are used to analyze the coverage. Both Aftenposten's and VG's coverage on the first day of the war in Afghanistan are dominated by pro-US framing and the use of Western sources. The pro-US framing is more obvious in Aftenposten than in VG. The editorial in VG was more unconditionally supportive than the editorial in Aftenposten. VG is also much clearer in its framing of Norway as a potential victim of future acts of terror. Norway's role as a potential military actor in the region is at this stage virtually absent in both newspapers. The legal aspects are mentioned in the two newspapers, though in a very superficial manner. Neither of the newspapers focuses on potential "hidden agendas" in their news coverage. No issue is made of the USA's potential global interests or the issue of controlling oil flows from the region. Aftenposten, in its coverage of an attack on a wedding party, treats this incident as "collateral damage" and in no way links it to Norway's military presence. Norway is simply a "loyal ally" receiving praise from the US for doing a "good job"." (Abstract)
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"This study focuses on the institutional practice of international development communication. Through a qualitative study of the Videoletters project, it examines a situated process of intervention in its complexity and analyzes how the specifics of mediation illuminate issues of proximity and dista
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nce in the relationship between bilateral funders, the citizens of the countries that their intervention claims to assist, and the governance structures of the countries intervened. Videoletters was a media-driven intervention aimed at reconnecting ordinary people affected by ethno-political divisions across the former Yugoslavia between 2000 and 2005. Adopted by European bilateral funders for large-scale implementation, the project was categorized as a “tool for reconciliation”. The study explores how this specific intervention was initiated, implemented, circulated and evaluated in practice. Issues of ethics and accountability at stake in the process are analyzed in relation to a framework of global justice. Findings indicate that mediated communication intervention may be embraced by bilateral funders for its potential to make them look good in the eyes of Western audiences beyond discourses about its potential to do good for the citizens of troubled countries. By linking international development communication to a framework of justice, the study contributes to a critical agenda for theorization and research that takes accountability into consideration and puts citizens at the center." (Back cover)
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"Using the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a natural laboratory for studying possibilities and limitations of constructive conflict coverage, the present book combines a longitudinal retrospective look at the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with experimental research on audience reactio
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ns and theoretical questions of conflict, war and peace coverage.
The editors aimed at utilizing these materials to learn about changes in media framing and representation of issues, actors, and leaders; to focus on problems of war coverage and peace journalism, such as the persistence of a war orientation in media culture and performance, and the extent to which the media have “matured” so as to change this normative orientation in favor of an increased contribution to peacemaking and peacekeeping; and to study and criticize peace journalism thought, research and action after some twenty years since its emergence." (Publisher description)
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"Objective: User Generated Content – photos and videos submitted to newsrooms by the public – has become a prominent source of information for news organisations. Journalists working with uncensored material can frequently witness disturbing images for prolonged periods. How this might affect th
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eir psychological health is not known and it is the focus of this study.
Design: Descriptive, exploratory. Setting: The newsrooms of three international news organisations. Participants: One hundred and sixteen journalists working with User Generated Content material. Main outcome measures: Psychometric data included the re-experiencing, avoidance and autonomic arousal indices of posttraumatic stress disorder (Impact of Event Scale-revised), depression (Beck Depression Inventory-II; BDI-II), a measure of psychological distress (GHQ-28), the latter comprising four subscales measuring somatisation, anxiety, social dysfunction and depression, and mean weekly alcohol consumption divided according to gender.
Results: Regression analyses revealed that frequent (i.e. daily) exposure to violent images independently predicted higher scores on all indices of the Impact of Event Scale-revised, the BDI-II and the somatic and anxiety subscales of the GHQ-28. Exposure per shift only predicted scores on the intrusion subscale of the Impact of Event Scale-revised.
Conclusions: The present study, the first of its kind, suggests that frequency rather than duration of exposure to images of graphic violence is more emotionally distressing to journalists working with User Generated Content material. Given that good journalism depends on healthy journalists, news organisations will need to look anew at what can be done to offset the risks inherent in viewing User Generated Content material. Our findings, in need of replication, suggest that reducing the frequency of exposure may be one way to go." (Abstract)
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"This article reflects on efforts to identify evidence about the role of media in fragile states. It explores and compares findings from two research projects and focuses on some of the lessons that have emerged from these exercises as well as on the relevance of the findings for media development.
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While we know that media matters in areas such as conflict, reconciliation and peacebuilding, neither of the reviews of the literature found substantial evidence supporting some of the widespread claims about the importance of media, suggesting how elusive this evidence can be." (Abstract)
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"Understanding how the British media has framed British aid efforts to Afghanistan is imperative to successfully campaign for continued public support for the long term development of the country. This is especially important given the scheduled troop withdrawal in 2014, which many commentators have
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cautioned is likely to result in a decrease in media interest on Afghanistan. This report investigates Afghanistan in the British print media from December 2008 to November 2013. Specifically, it focuses on the British print media’s portrayal of British aid efforts in Afghanistan in 2013. The report aims to provide the British and Irish Agencies Afghanistan Group (BAAG) with an understanding of the amount of coverage Afghanistan has received, how the British print media has framed British aid efforts in Afghanistan in 2013, the obstacles and influences that journalists face in reporting on Afghanistan, and how journalists perceive this narrative to unfold given the political developments ahead. The findings of this report are drawn from a Nexis UK search, a content analysis and interviews conducted with key journalists reporting on Afghanistan." (Executive summary)
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"The expansion of access to mobile phones in the developing world has provided new opportunities for development and peacebuilding institutions to reach communities, and for communities to develop local development and peacebuilding solutions. Kenya has seen a particularly high concentration of prog
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ramming geared towards using mobile phones for banking, election monitoring and violence prevention, using crowdsourcing methods to collect and share information. While there have been a number of notable crowdsourcing programmes that have been successful at preventing violence, there remains limited theorisation in the peacebuilding community about why these successes occurred. Using Fearon and Laitin’s (1996) models of inter-ethnic cooperation, intra-group organising and inter-group policing, we explore whether success in crowdsourcing for violence prevention is a function of direct intra-community organising, or is an outcome of previously unavailable information being broadcast on traditional media such as radio." (Abstract)
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"'During the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-9) the Tuol Svay Prey high school in Phnom Penh was used under the codename S21 as a torture-and-execution centre. In 1979, the government of the newly established People's Republic of Kampuchea had it refurbished as memorial. Today, people from all over the wor
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ld visit Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum and shoot videos and photos they later on post on blogs, Facebook pages and other social media. This article explores how social networks affect the production, distribution, and consumption of Tuol Sleng as site of memory. It focuses on two digital platforms: Flickr and YouTube. The article is divided into three parts. First it examines how Flickr and YouTube can be used as inadvertent archives providing material for a visual history of Tuol Sleng. Second, it analyses the processes of remediation people resort to for communicating and sharing their experience in the museum. Finally, it explores the mechanisms of community building, and their limited effects, as users watch and comment on these accounts of Tuol Sleng." (Abstract)
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"Das Radio galt in Russland lange als Biotop – ein Rückzugsraum für professionellen Journalismus. Die Berichterstattung über den Krieg in der „Volksrepublik Donec’k“ offenbart jedoch das Gegenteil. Manche Radiosender begreifen sich als Verlautbarungsorgane der Aufständischen, Moderatoren
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wirken als Agitatoren. Sie gehören zur neosowjetischen Generation der 20- bis 30-Jährigen. Das ist die Generation Putin. Doch am Mikrofon sind sie längst keine Putinisten mehr, sondern viel radikalere Revanchisten vom Schlage Girkins." (Abstract)
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"El Manual tiene el propósito de presentar los contenidos principales de las recientes reformas normativas en estos temas con el objetivo de que las y los comunicadores cuenten con una herramienta de apoyo para su labor comunicativa y de difusión [...] La reforma constitucional en materia de derec
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hos humanos, que entró en vigor el 11 de junio del 2011, es un hecho trascendente en tanto reconoce y aporta al sistema de fuentes legales federales y nacionales, un sistema enriquecido con todas los intrumentos internacionales de protección de los derechos humanos, todas las disposiciones y los estándares que México ha firmado. La Ley para la Protección de Personas Defensoras de Derechos Humanos y Periodistas que dio origen al Mecanismo de Protección para Periodistas y Personas Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos, que entró en vigor el 26 de junio de 2012, es de suma relevancia en el contexto nacional actual, dado que crea un dispositivo especializado para que el Estado atienda su responsabilidad fundamental de proteger, promover y garantizar los derechos humanos de periodistas, comunicadores y defensores que se encuentran en situación de riesgo como consecuencia de su labor en la defensa y promoción de los derechos humanos, del ejercicio de la libertad de expresión y el periodismo [...] Los contenidos de este manual están organizados en cinco apartados: el primero se refiere a la Reforma constitucional en materia de derechos Humanos; el segundo a la Ley de protección para Periodistas y Personas Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos y al Mecanismo que originó; el tercero corresponde a la Reforma Constitucional en materia de Telecomunicaciones. El cuarto apartado contiene referencias de utilidad relacionadas con los temas y posteriormente de incluyen las versiones en mixe, zapoteco, mazateco y purépecha, a fin de que comunicadores/as indígenas tengan acceso a la información legislativa." (Presentación, página -6-7)
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"Community media studies have often neglected how community media can contribute in areas ridden with conflict to more peaceful ways of cohabitation. This article aims to look in detail at how the Cyprus Community Media Centre (CCMC) has developed conflict resolution strategies to reduce the antagon
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ism in the Cypriot society, an island divided since 1974. Then it looks at the problems and complexities that this organization has to face when trying to realize its remit, caused by the fallacies in the community media model and by the Cypriot context of conflictuality. Despite the difficulties, the CCMC illustrates that community media can play a role in conflict resolution, creating more opportunities for mutual understanding and for the humanization of the other." (Abstract)
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