"The study uses online observation and critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine how ‘Ndebeles’ [= Ndebele-speaking people of Zimbabwe] discuss the 1980s genocide and how citizen journalism has generally revolutionised their participation in debates silenced by the ruling elite. What strongly
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comes out from the discussants’ interactions is that the genocide, which has not been addressed since it ‘ended’ with the signing of the Unity Accord in 1987, remains contentious as victims have not found closure. The study concludes that Web 2.0 has reconfigured subaltern communities’ engagements with the traumatic genocide." (Abstract)
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"With a focus on online hate speech, protection of journalism sources, the role of internet intermediaries in fostering freedom online, and the safety of journalists, the report highlights the importance of new actors in promoting and protecting freedom of expression online and off-line." (Back cove
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r)
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"Is journalism under threat? The image of journalists, as helmeted war correspondents protected by bullet-proof vests and armed only with cameras and microphones, springs to mind. Physical threats are only the most visible dangers, however. Journalists and journalism itself are facing other threats
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such as censorship, political and economic pressure, intimidation, job insecurity and attacks on the protection of journalists’ sources. Social media and digital photography mean that anyone can now publish information, which is also upsetting the ethics of journalism. How can these threats be tackled? What is the role of the Council of Europe, the European Court of Human Rights and national governments in protecting journalists and freedom of expression? In this book, 10 experts from different backgrounds analyse the situation from various angles. At a time when high-quality, independent journalism is more necessary than ever – and yet when the profession is facing many different challenges – they explore the issues surrounding the role of journalism in democratic societies." (Publisher description)
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"The rapid and incredible growth of eyewitness media (also known as user-generated content or UGC) has led to the emergence of a new cadre of journalists, humanitarian and human rights professionals whose job it is to seek out, verify and edit the most disturbing and traumatic raw images captured by
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non professionals and posted online. These professionals are tasked with viewing and sifting through massive volumes of eyewitness media - that is, raw, unedited, authentic footage now captured regularly on smartphones - to enhance their investigations, reporting, operations, prosecutions and advocacy. Professionals who work with eyewitness media watch disturbing footage from war zones, natural and manmade disasters and accidents over and over again to verify its veracity and to edit out images that are deemed too extreme for viewing by the general public. Viewing traumatic images of death, destruction, blood and unimaginable horrors all day every day - often for years on end - is now an integral part of the daily work of many desk-bound staff working for news, human rights and humanitarian organisations who are often located thousands of miles away from where the actual horrors occur. Whether it is a broadcaster, publisher, human rights or humanitarian professional, symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) are now evident amongst staff working in offices on what we call the digital frontline.
This study builds upon previous research that proved that viewing distressing eyewitness media can lead psychological injury, including, but not restricted to, such conditions as PTSD and major depression. The principle aim of this research is to explore the following questions: How much distressing eyewitness media are professionals, who work in the three professional sectors, watching? How frequently, and in what volumes are professionals viewing distressing eyewitness media? What kinds of eyewitness media do professionals find particularly distressing?" What coping mechanisms, if any, have been developed by staff to help mitigate the potentially negative effects of viewing distressing content? - What support, if any, do professionals receive from their organisations and senior managers? - Does organisational culture encourage or prevent professionals from requesting support from their organisation’s hierarchy? What training and preparation is provided to raise awareness of or mitigate the adverse impact of trauma exposure on university graduates, newcomers and those established in post? What resources do organisations provide to prevent, mitigate and treat the adverse impact of trauma exposure? Which of those resources have been used? Which are found to be the most useful? What do staff who experience vicarious trauma need and expect from their organisations in order to support them? Based on an online survey (to which we received 209 responses from people working with eyewitness media across all three professional sectors) and 38 in-depth, anonymous interviews we find that: the impact of eyewitness media on journalism, human rights and humanitarian work means that the frontline is no longer geographic. A new type of frontline has emerged that is digital. Staff at an organisation’s headquarters who work with eyewitness media do so daily and often see more horror on a daily basis compared to their counterparts deployed in the field. Consequently, organisations have a duty of care towards office based staff working on the digital frontline who are at serious risk of vicarious trauma and PTSD [...] " (Executive summary, page 3-5)
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"Tied by history, politics, and faith to all corners of the globe, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict fascinates and infuriates people across the world. Based on new archive research and original interviews, Headlines from the Holy Land explains why this fiercely contested region exerts such a pull ov
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er leading correspondents and diplomats." (Publisher description)
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"The U.S. Defense Department has long had an uneasy relationship with independent mediaOn the one hand, it needs the trusted voice of media to portray U.S. military activities in a positive light, both to maintain the support of citizens at home and to help fight its battles abroad. And to the exten
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t that U.S. military intervention serves as a lever to encourage and create democracies, the support of free and independent media in those countries should be part of the plan. On the other hand, an unfettered media may be critical of the U.S. military and its allies, making its operations more difficult, losing it support at home or overseas, and even giving comfort to the enemy." (Introduction)
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"In the process of drafting new media laws for states emerging from violent confl ict, or transitioning towards more democratic governments, the role of customary law is often overlooked. While “best practices” or international standards draw on widely accepted norms of international human right
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s law, they also focus on the experience of media regulation that has emerged in Western countries promoted by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international actors in the name of “freedom of expression.” The adoption of these norms and regulatory institutions is encouraged, often wholesale, with little attention to the local context." (Page 237)
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"Este libro nace como una propuesta que busca dar visibilidad a una serie de iniciativas sociales e investigaciones enmarcadas en el ámbito de la comunicación, los conflictos y el cambio social, que en ocasiones no tienen los espacios ni la cobertura necesaria en los contextos académicos. Su obje
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tivo es mostrar buenas prácticas que apoyen el desarrollo de las actividades profesionales y de intervención social de los comunicadores y los activistas, además de favorecer el pensamiento crítico sobre la violencia que se transmite desde el periodismo, el cine o la publicidad, entre otros. En un escenario como el actual, en el que los medios de comunicación están sometidos a un acelerado proceso de concentración y mercantilización que daña su papel como garantes de una democracia de alta calidad, cobra más relevancia que nunca la investigación y la reflexión que favorezcan la difusión de una información plural, responsable, crítica contra las injusticias y que aborde las cuestiones centrales de interés colectivo. La comunicación para el cambio social, o los diferentes conceptos que sirven para detallar una comunicación transformadora, se posiciona como un enfoque de contrapoder que busca revertir los discursos de control. Un posicionamiento ético que incentiva la autonomía de las personas en cuanto a sus capacidades de reflexión, crítica y análisis, especialmente en relación a la violencia que margina, excluye e invisibiliza. Otro objetivo de este tipo de comunicación es promover la participación de los ciudadanos en los debates y en las decisiones comunes que impliquen una mejora de sus sociedades, en un contexto de reconocimiento mutuo." (Introducción, página 11)
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"This study, which seeks to contribute to the shared-body of knowledge on media and war crimes jurisprudence, gauges the impact of the media’s coverage of the Civil Defence Forces (CDF) and Charles Taylor trials conducted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) on the functionality of civil s
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ociety organizations (CSOs) in promoting transitional (post-conflict) justice and democratic legitimacy in Sierra Leone. The media’s impact is gauged by contextualizing the stimulus-response paradigm in the behavioral sciences. Thus, media contents are rationalized as stimuli and the perceptions of CSOs’ representatives on the media’s coverage of the trials are deemed to be their responses. The study adopts contents (framing) and discourse analyses and semi-structured interviews to analyse the publications of the selected media (For Di People, Standard Times and Awoko) in Sierra Leone [...] The findings, which reflected the perceptions of people from large swathe of opinions in Sierra Leone, appeared to have dovetailed with those of the CSOs’ representatives across the country. The study established that the media’s coverage of the CDF trial appeared to have been tainted with ethno-regional prejudices, and seemed to be ‘a continuation of war by other means’. However, the focus groups perceived the media reporting as having a positive effect on the pursuit of post-conflict justice, good governance and democratic accountability in Sierra Leone. The coverage of the Charles Taylor trial appeared to have been devoid of ethno-regional prejudices, but, in the view of the CSOs, seemed to have been coloured by lenses of patriotism and nationalism." (Abstract)
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"Using the chapters of the edited volume Communication and Peace: Mapping an Emerging Field, the article points out the shared interpretative repertoires of the contributions to build a broader case for commonalities within the diverse field of communication-related disciplines and practices, which
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share the goal of building/making peace. Furthermore, the article differentiates communication disciplines according to the narrative relationship with reality of the cultural texts they deal with, categorizes them according to their functions of symbolic creation and symbolic-creating-chronicling and charts them according to their contiguous relationship with peacebuilding/making as a way to unify the field of communication and peace." (Abstract)
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"This paper draws on the experience of conducting participatory video in the Rift Valley of Kenya after the 2007–2008 post-election crisis, when the country underwent a period of intense ethnic violence. By linking development communication to conflict transformation theory, this article offers a
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framework that highlights the impact that communication for social change can have in post-conflict settings through the use of participatory media. It shows how this type of media productions can contribute to re-establishing relationships and creating a shared understanding of the conflict, while building the view of an interconnected future among opposing groups. In this case study, I illustrate how a collection of participatory videos became a peacebuilding tool for the youth in the Rift Valley. Through the information gathered from the interviews with young victims and perpetrators of the Kenya Post-election Violence, I discuss how both the filming and the screening of these films have opened a dialogue between different groups and contributed to processes of social change." (Abstract)
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"This document is a report on the radio component of Peace through Development II (P-DEV II), a multi-year development program funded by the United States Agency for International Development/West Africa (USAID/WA), whose main goal is to counter violent extremism in Chad, Niger, and Burkina Faso. P-
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DEV II has four strategic objectives: 1) empower youth; 2) increase moderate voices; 3) increase the capacity of civil society; and 4) strengthen local government [...] Part of P-DEV II efforts are concentrated on building the capacity of local radio stations to produce and broadcast content by providing them with equipment, technical assistance, and training of their staff. In Chad, training and equipment upgrades to partner radio stations led to the production and broadcasting of the series Dabalaye (The Meeting Place), a governance radio program, and Chabab Al Haye (Youth Alive), a program targeting youth. In Niger, local radio station capacity building led to the production and broadcasting of the series Sada Zumunci (Solidarity), a governance radio program, and Gwadaben Matasa (Youth Boulevard), a youth program. This report presents an assessment of P-DEV II radio programming in relation to its strategic objectives and stated goals by evaluating the impact of radio broadcasts among youth (ages 15-30) in selected radio-only zones (non-core) in Chad and Niger [...] P-DEV II radio programming had positive effects on interaction with people from other ethnicities in Chad, but no impact in Niger. The impact of radio listenership on interpersonal and institutional trust is mixed. In Chad, positive effects on trust in local government, central government and in religious leaders were found, but radio listenership had a negative effect on interpersonal trust. In Niger, listenership had positive effects on trust in local government and in religious leaders, but a negative effect on trust in the police. There are relatively strong positive effects of P-DEV II radio programming on the perception that other ethnic groups and youth participate in decision-making in Chad. In Niger, by contrast, negative effects were found on the perception that women and the respondent’s own ethnic group are involved in decision-making." (Executive summary, page 2-3)
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"Reporting bias – the media's tendency to systematically underreport or overreport certain types of events – is a persistent problem for participants and observers of armed conflict. We argue that the nature of reporting bias depends on how news organizations navigate the political context in wh
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ich they are based. Where government pressure on the media is limited – in democratic regimes – the scope of reporting should reflect conventional media preferences toward novel, large-scale, dramatic developments that challenge the conventional wisdom and highlight the unsustainability of the status quo. Where political constraints on reporting are more onerous – in non-democratic regimes – the more conservative preferences of the state will drive the scope of coverage, emphasizing the legitimacy and inevitability of the prevailing order. We test these propositions using new data on protest and political violence during the 2011 Libyan uprising and daily newspaper coverage of the Arab Spring from 113 countries. We uncover evidence of a status-quo media bias in non-democratic states, and a revisionist bias in democratic states. Media coverage in non-democracies underreported protests and nonviolent collective action by regime opponents, largely ignored government atrocities, and overreported those caused by rebels. We find the opposite patterns in democratic states." (Abstract)
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"Over the last decade, Afghanistan has experienced the rise of a robust media sector. Programming fills the airwaves with everything from news to comedy, open debate to open audition, soap operas to police dramas to ABCs. Journalists, however, operate in a climate of fear and insecurity, under threa
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ts of reprisal and violence, with insufficient state support for freedom of the press. The National Unity Government’s pledge to promote good governance and fight corruption cannot succeed absent a free and independent media. President Ghani and CEO Abdullah’s campaign pledges to support freedom of speech and press freedom must be backed up by actions, including passage of a mass media law that protects freedom of speech and the personal safety of journalists." (Summary)
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