"Disinformation represents a danger to the integrity and legitimacy of the electoral process. From our research based on the 2021 Czech parliamentary elections, we introduce a model for measuring the resilience of citizens to disinformation. This model is then used to draw conclusions about the impa
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ct of disinformation on their voting behaviour. We argue that it is important to understand this impact in the context of pre-existing beliefs and opinions, and therefore in terms of disinformation reinforcing rather than changing existing views. In particular, we demonstrate how feeling disappointed with one political party can make people more inclined to endorse disinformation that targets it." (Abstract)
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"A desinformação ambiental é uma das pautas centrais na propaganda política da extrema-direita brasileira, servindo de argumento para o desmonte da proteção do meio ambiente e o avanço sistemático de atividades extrativistas no Brasil. Em última instância, nossos resultados apontam para a
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necessidade de (1) levar informação confiável à população sobre o extrativismo que acaba com a floresta e com a população indígena, quilombola e ribeirinha; (2) ocupar o deserto de notícias na Amazônia Legal; (3) aumentar o investimento em anúncios em defesa da pauta socioambiental.; e (4) mitigar a desinformação e disseminar contra-narrativas na grande mídia. O estudo também identifica oportunidades de ações para amplificar a visibilidade de lideranças e organizações socioambientais junto à defesa da justiça social." (Apresentação)
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"This article advances extant research that has audited search algorithms for misinformation in four respects. Firstly, this is the first misinformation audit not to implement a national but a cross-national research design. Secondly, it retrieves results not in response to the most popular query te
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rms. Instead, it theorizes two semantic dimensions of search terms and illustrates how they impact the number of misinformative results returned. Furthermore, the analysis not only captures the mere presence of misinformative content but in addition whether the source websites are affiliated with a key misinformation actor (Russia’s ruling elites) and whom the conspiracy narratives cast as the malicious plotters. Empirically, the audit compares Covid-19 conspiracy theories in Google search results across 5 key target countries of Russia’s foreign communication (Belarus, Estonia, Germany, Ukraine, and the US) and Russia as of November 2020 (N = 5280 search results). It finds that, across all countries, primarily content published by mass media organizations rendered conspiracy theories visible in search results. Conspiratorial content published on websites affiliated with Russia’s ruling elites was retrieved in the Belarusian, German and Russian contexts. Across all countries, the majority of conspiracy narratives suspected plotters from China. Malicious actors from the US were insinuated exclusively by sources affiliated with Russia’s elites. Overall, conspiracy narratives did not primarily deepen divides within but between national communities, since – across all countries – only plotters from beyond the national borders were blamed. To conclude, the article discusses methodological advice and promising paths of research for future cross-national search engine audits." (Abstract)
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"Responding to widespread concerns about misinformation’s impact on democracy, we conducted an experiment in which we exposed German participants to different degrees of misinformation on COVID-19 connected to politicized (immigration) and apolitical (runners) issues (N = 1,490). Our key findings
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show that partially false information is more credible and persuasive than completely false information, and also more difficult to correct. People with congruent prior attitudes are more likely to perceive misinformation as credible and agree with its positions than people with incongruent prior attitudes. We further show that although fact-checkers can lower the perceived credibility of misinformation on both runners and migrants, corrective messages do not affect attitudes toward migrants. As a key contribution, we show that different degrees of misinformation can have different impacts: more nuanced deviations from facticity may be more harmful as they are difficult to detect and correct while being more credible." (Abstract)
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"Participants in the study take a snapshot of a variety of news channels and social media platforms to get their news, evaluating their truthfulness and attempting to “figure out the truth.” Across different focus groups, there is a shared lack of trust in news channels, and no media outlet is p
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articularly credited with credibility or objectivity. Even if the media is affiliated with their own religious community or political party, all participants confirm consuming media messages with great caution and limited belief. This mistrust is the result of the political and partisan ownership of news channels. Participants insist that every media outlet provides the news according to its particular interests and those of the politician who finances it. Participants are fully aware that mainstream media outlets are promoting the political agendas of their financiers and sponsors. Moreover, they are merely tools in the hands of their owners (religious factions, political parties, business persons…) who use them as part of their larger panoply to conduct their battles and achieve their political and economic aims." (Major findings, page 4-5)
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"This article offers a qualitative analysis of how, by adopting identity-related discourses whose meanings resonate within a given culture, Russian state propaganda strives to bolster “the truth status” of its Ukraine war claims. These discourses, we argue, have long historical lineages and thus
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are expected to be familiar to audiences. We identify three such discourses common in many contexts but with specific resonances in Russia, those of colonialism/decolonization, imperialism, and the imaginary West. The article demonstrates that these same discourses also inform war-related coverage in Russophone oppositional media. Russian state-affiliated and oppositional actors further share “floating signifiers,” particularly “the Russian people,” “historical Russia,” “the Russian world,” “Ukraine,” “fascism/Nazism,” and “genocide,” while according them radically different meanings. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of studying how state propaganda works at the level of discourses, and the acutely dialogical processes by which disinformation and counter-disinformation efforts are produced and consumed." (Abstract)
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"The book is organized into four parts. Part I presents the phenomenon of information disorder, as well as explains why the term “fake news” should be replaced with adequate terms, depending on the method and type of manipulation. Also, there are pieces focusing on ChatGPT and the possible impac
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t of Artificial Intelligence in the information environment. Part II breaks down the disinformation that targets the state of Kosovo, meanwhile, in part III, the focus is on the pandemic, the misinformation that accompanied COVID-19 over the years, and the three-step model that helps everyone protect themselves from all types of information disorder. Part IV deals with one of the most comprehensive solutions to the information disorder that of media education, as well as Kosovo's challenges in extending media education in society." (Preface, page 6)
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"Dürren, Waldbrände, Überschwemmungen – die Klimakrise ist in vollem Gange. Trotz der vollkommenen Offensichtlichkeit dieser existenziellen Bedrohung blühen die Mythen rund um das Thema: Die Daten würden gefälscht, die Bevölkerung hinters Licht geführt, alle Maßnahmen gegen die Klimakrise
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seien in Wahrheit nur Teil des „großen Plans der unsichtbaren Eliten“. Dieser Band nimmt solche Mythen in den Blick. Was wird von wem auf welche Art verbreitet? Was bewirken diese Verschwörungserzählungen, welche Funktion übernehmen sie für diejenigen, die an sie glauben? Und welche Herausforderungen bringt der Glaube daran für die unterschiedlichsten Professionen mit sich, von den Sicherheitsbehörden, über die politische Bildung bis hin zur psychosozialen Beratung? Das alles will der Band „Aufgeheizt. Verschwörungserzählungen rund um die Klimakrise“ beleuchten, und er will verdeutlichen, was diese Verschwörungserzählungen anrichten – mit der Gesellschaft im Gesamten, aber auch direkt mit denjenigen, die sich gegen die Klimakrise stemmen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Les Nigériens sont majoritaires à penser que les politiciens et les partis politiques (63%) et les usagers des réseaux sociaux (57%) diffusent "souvent" ou "quelque fois" des informations qu'ils savent fausses. Des grandes majorites des citoyens nigeriens estiment que le gouvernement devrait pou
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voir limiter ou interdire la diffusion des fausses nouvelles (79%), des discours de haine (75%) et des opinions qui critiquent ou insultent le Président de la République (66%). La moitie (51%) est du meme avis pour ce qui est des nouvelles que le gouvernement désapprouve. Parmi les 59% des Nigériens qui ont entendu parler des reseaux sociaux, une grande majorite (79%) estiment qu'en général l'impact des réseaux sociaux est positif. Ainsi, ils affirment que les reseaux sociaux informent les gens sur l'actualite (88%) et les aident a avoir plus d'impact sur les processus politiques (78%). Mais ils estiment egalement que les reseaux sociaux favorisent les fausses nouvelles (74%) et rendent les gens plus intolerants envers ceux qui ont des opinions politiques differentes (63%)." (Résultats clés)
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"Organized propaganda and public opinion manipulation are increasing in Indonesia’s cybersphere. Specifically, since 2019, there has been a marked rise of cyber troop campaigns that serve to mobilize public consensus for controversial government policies. Cyber troop operations played a crucial ro
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le in three controversial events in which public opinion had been initially critical of the government policy at issue. These were, first, the revision of the Law on the Corruption Eradication Commission in September 2019; second, the launch of the New Normal policy during the COVID-19 pandemic in May 2020; and third, the passing of the Omnibus Law for Job Creation in October 2020. In all three cases, there is clear evidence of cyber troops manipulating public opinion in support of government policy. In all three cases, the cyber troops manufactured consent by flooding social media with narratives that promoted the governing elite’s agenda, often using deceptive messages and disinformation that were amplified by numerous “buzzer” and “bot” accounts. Thereby they effectively drowned out oppositional discourses on social media and neutralized dissent, especially as mainstream media simultaneously echoed the cyber troops’ narratives. The ever more systematic use of cyber troops—and the considerable resources spent on such operations—indicates increasing co-optation of Indonesia’s cybersphere for elite interests. This threatens to undermine the quality of public debate and democracy in Indonesia because cyber troop operations not only feed public opinion with disinformation but also prevent citizens from scrutinizing and evaluating the governing elite’s behaviour and policy-making processes, which further exacerbates Indonesia’s ongoing democratic regression." (Executive summary)
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"While false rumours, inaccurate reporting, and conspiracy theories have existed for as long as there were people to create and spread them, the Internet has reshaped and amplified the ability to produce and perpetuate false and misleading content. Stopping the creators and spreaders of untruths onl
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ine is essential to reducing political polarisation, building public trust in democratic institutions, improving public health, and more generally improving the well-being of people and society. This Going Digital Toolkit note discusses the importance of access to accurate information online and presents a novel typology of the different types of untruths that circulate on the Internet. It considers how untruths are spread online as well as the consequences, and it surveys the evidence base of false and misleading information online. It concludes by identifying approaches to fighting untruths online and mitigating their negative effects." (Summary)
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"Content moderation at scale is an extremely complicated issue, however by looking at specific examples such as the case studies and data highlighted in this study, the conversation can start to take into account more diverse experiences and context that is normally overlooked. Emerging from these e
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xperiences are recommendations for reform and structural change reflected in focus group discussions and demands by activists in the region, some of which are reproduced below. 1. Over-reliance on automated systems should be revised in light of issues emerging from non-English speaking markets. The failure of these systems to adequately account for context should be reason enough to fundamentally revise systems and protocols underpinning them. 2. Dedicating more resources to human-based content moderation in non-Western contexts. The disparity of material resources between countries considered “key economies” and the “rest of the world” is startling and has resulted in enormous challenges for societies and political structures elsewhere [...] 3. Radical transparency by tech platforms regarding the ways in which content moderation policies are formulated and implemented should be high on the priority of digital platforms [...] 4. Content moderation decisions are often one-sided, with little recource for users who are aggrieved by the decisions, both for false positives or inaction by platforms. Meta's Oversight Board is a positive start but the model only impacts select cases. There needs to be a robust and time-responsive system for appeals that provides users with complete information regarding content moderation decisions and responsive action on appeals. 5. Content moderation decisions by tech platforms, and inaction in equal measure, have resulted in tangible real-world harms in the past and present." (Conclusion, page 23-24)
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"Although vaccination is the only hope to fight against COVID-19, existing vaccine hesitancy is a thought-provoking phenomenon. Significantly, vaccine hesitancy is worsening the situation in Pakistan, leading to an increased number of COVID cases. In this context, this study aims to examine people
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s perceptions and attitudes towards vaccination. Here the focus was on determining the factors causing disease hesitancy among the masses. The researchers randomly selected a sample of n=17 individuals and gathered data by using telephone interviews and assessed data by using the Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) approach. Results revealed that the increased vaccine hesitancy is due to misinformation, conspiracies, myths, and rumors about the side effects of the vaccination. It was also notable that the participants indicated digital media as the primary source of information, showing a potential relationship between social media and misinformation. Also, an intense uncertainty about the healthcare system in Pakistan is hindering the efforts to sustain herd immunity. Thus, due to several myths, rumors, and distrust of the healthcare system, vaccine hesitancy is halting the country’s ability to overcome the COVID-19 outbreak. Misinformation is vigorously circulating due to ease of access to different communication platforms, instilling fear of presumed side effects. Hence, the researchers suggest some practical considerations for the government, healthcare workers, and media platforms to counteract the misinformation and increase vaccine acceptance among the masses." (Abstract)
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"This report examines the characteristics and consequences of influence operations in the 2022 presidential election in the Philippines. The report makes three main claims: a) the term "influence operations" provides a broader frame to identify personalities, platforms, and practices that hack publi
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c attention, mobilize publics, and influence electoral out; b) influence operations build on cumulative impacts of longitudinal disinformation; c) The main consequence of influence operations in 2022 is the creation of parallel public spheres or two separate information ecosystems aligned with hardened political identities. The document concludes with pathways forward as the nation seeks to rebuild today's distorted public sphere." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"Russia and China have created and amplified disinformation and propaganda about COVID-19 worldwide to sow distrust and confusion and to reduce social cohesion among targeted audiences. The United States government, the European Union, and multinational organizations have developed a series of inter
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ventions in response. These include exposing disinformation, providing credible and authoritative public health information, imposing sanctions, investing in democratic resilience measures, setting up COVID-19 disinformation task forces, addressing disinformation through regulatory measures, countering emerging threat narratives from Russia and China, and addressing the vulnerabilities in the information and media environment. Digital platforms, including Twitter, Meta, YouTube, and TikTok, have stepped up to counter COVID-19 disinformation and misinformation via policy procedures, takedowns of inauthentic content, addition of new product features, and partner with civil society and multinational organizations to provide credible and reliable information to global audiences. In addition, digital platforms are addressing COVID-19-related disinformation and misinformation stemming from a variety of state and non-state actors, including China and Russia. Several of these initiatives have proven to be effective, including cross-sectoral collaboration to facilitate identification of the threat; enforcement actions between civil society, governments, and digital platforms; and investment in resilience mechanisms, including media literacy and online games to address disinformation. Despite some meaningful progress, gaps in countering COVID-19 disinformation and propaganda stemming from Russia and China and unintentional misinformation spread by everyday citizens still exist. Closing these gaps will require gaining a deeper understanding of how adversaries think; aligning and refining transatlantic regulatory approaches; building coordination and whole-of- society information-sharing mechanisms; expanding the use of sanctions to counter disinformation; localizing and contextualizing programs and technological solutions; strengthening societal resilience through media, digital literacy, and by addressing digital authoritarianism; and building and rebuilding trust in democratic institutions." (Executive summary)
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"The aim of this study was to understand the impact of counselling in countering fake news-related COVID-19 vaccine. We conducted two separate experiments. In the first experiment, we exposed the treatment group to fake news on COVID-19 vaccine through a WhatsApp group chat while the control group w
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as not. We then tested the effectiveness of such fake news on their perception. In our second experiment, we exposed the treatment group to a social media-based counselling intervention wherein we attempted to counter the earlier fake news on COVID-19 vaccine which they were exposed to. We found that respondents who were exposed to fake news reported greater negative perception about COVID-19 vaccine than their counterparts in the control group. We also we found that as a result of the counselling intervention, the respondents in the treatment group reported more positive perception regarding COVID-19 vaccine while their counterparts in the control group who were earlier exposed to fake news on COVID-19 did not significantly change their perception. This study has highlighted the importance of counselling in countering fake news within the context of health promotion. This approach is yet to receive significant attention in literature, especially from developing countries." (Summary)
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"The topic of the war in Ukraine dominated the media during the first three months of the war and completely marginalized all other topics. The most foreign actor reported on most in the media was Russia, while the countries of the West, the US, the EU, and NATO were far less noticeable. Although th
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e initial open support for Russia has softened since the beginning of the war, the media continue to report in favour of Russia, and against the West. Television stations with national coverage (especially their morning news programmes), as well as parts of the daily press, are at the forefront of supporting Russia. Internet portals have a more balanced approach. Among state officials, President Vucic has monopolized the discussions of the war in Ukraine, and he is the person most credited in the media for establishing Serbia's neutral stance on this issue. Disinformation in the media is placed in such a way as to present Russia in a positive light, and the West negatively. Disinformation was most prevalent on internet portals and the printed edition of Vecernje novosti, the daily Informer, and television stations Pink and Happy." (Key findings)
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