"From August 2020 until August this summer, we recorded almost 800 cases of digital rights violations in eight countries of south-eastern Europe: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Hungary, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania and Serbia. Violations took place not just on TikTok, but also on F
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acebook, Twitter and Instagram and were also spread via Viber and WhatsApp. Our report shows that vulnerable groups, including women, minority groups, LGBT +, Roma and Jewish communities, minors and migrants, are particularly exposed to online attacks. Similarly, political and religious tensions, which still continue to mark the cultural and political life of our societies, also surged, further polarising society. All of this suggests that what happens in the virtual space is not much different from the “physical world”. Ongoing tensions and cultural controversies are simply migrating from one place to another and prevention or protection mechanisms are far from successful. It comes as no surprise that the two most common violations this year were “pressure because of expression and activities on the internet” and “manipulation and propaganda in the digital environment”. Journalists were most frequently the target of online threats in two countries – Serbia and Hungary. In both countries, pro-government social media accounts were involved in smear campaigns against independent journalists." (Foreword, page 4)
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"Burundi’s scrutiny and control of media and nongovernmental organizations, and the conviction after deeply flawed proceedings of 12 journalists and activists in exile have a continued chilling effect on their work, Human Rights Watch said today. Almost one year after President Évariste Ndayishim
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iye’s inauguration, the authorities have sent contradictory signals. They have lifted some restrictions imposed on civil society and media since the country’s 2015 political crisis. But they have also doubled down on human rights defenders and journalists who are perceived to be critical of the government. A human rights activist and a former member of parliament convicted of abusive charges remain in detention. “The government should go beyond symbolic gestures of good faith to address the entrenched system of repression under the late President Pierre Nkurunziza,” said Lewis Mudge, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Substantive reforms are needed to address the lack of judicial independence, politicized prosecutions, and the absence of accountability for abuses committed since 2015.” (Introduction)
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"In this study, we explore the challenges and strategies of independent media outlets in contexts of shrinking civic space. To this end, we present five case studies on a specific media outlets. These describe the overall political context for the media, the specific challenges that the respective m
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edia outlet has faced, as well as the different strategies that they have used to meet these challenges. The overall problem is situated within a set of concepts introduced in the first chapter, while the conclusions chapter brings together the lessons which can be learned from the case studies in one framework. The five case studies each have a distinct focus, namely: the efforts of Átlátszo in Hungary to reach groups in society who are currently not exposed to independent media content; the lessons KRIK in Serbia learned on how to anticipate and counter attempts by powerholders to repress their story, including through cross-border collaboration; the thin line between activism and journalism that Liber in Teleorman in Romania threaded, while investigating power abuse by national politicians at the local level; the focus on professional standards and community engagement by Oštro, in their attempt to build credibility towards an audience used to partisan media; the position of Átlátszo Erdély, a Hungarian-language media outlet in Romania stuck between pressures from multiple sides, who as a city-based media outlet managed to embed themselves in a rural audience." (Executive summary)
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"[...] el libro propone un diálogo a partir de tres categorías, a saber: 1) las limitaciones al acceso a la información y sus impactos en la vida política; 2) el régimen jurídico de la comunicación; y 3) los medios de comunicación y la representación política. Esta perspectiva, nos ayuda a
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fundamentar un estado de la discusión al tiempo en que vislumbramos una reflexión posicional que contribuye al análisis comparado del caso latinoamericano." (Introducción, página 15)
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"Radio is the dominant news source in Liberia, tuned in “every day” or “a few times a week” by 87% of adults. Almost four in 10 citizens (38%) say they regularly get news from the Internet and social media, while only about one in five are regular consumers of news via television (21%) and n
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ewspapers (16%). Three-fourths (76%) of Liberians say the media should “constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption.” Six in 10 citizens (61%) say the media should be free to publish without government interference. But only one in five (19%) see Liberia’s media as “somewhat” or “completely” free. Despite support for media freedom, majorities say the government should be able to restrict the sharing of false information (74%), information that criticizes or insults the president (69%), hate speech (68%), and information or opinions that the government disapproves of (59%). Politicians (76%) and government officials (74%) are most widely seen as knowingly spreading false information. Among Liberians who have heard of social media, most (80%) see its impact on society as positive, although majorities also think it makes people more susceptible to fake news (73%) and more intolerant of other viewpoints (66%). More than seven in 10 Liberians (72%) say access to social media and the Internet should not be regulated by the government." (Key findings, page 2)
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"This report explores how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses foreign social media influencers to shape and push messages domestically and internationally about Xinjiang that are aligned with its own preferred narratives. Our research has found key instances in which Chinese state entities have s
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upported influencers in the creation of social media content in Xinjiang, as well as amplified influencer content that supports pro-CCP narratives. That content broadly seeks to debunk Western media reporting and academic research, refute statements by foreign governments and counter allegations of widespread human rights abuses in Xinjiang. Often, such content is then promoted by party-state media1 and diplomatic accounts across major international social media networks and in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) briefings. This trend is particularly notable given the difficulty faced by journalists reporting in Xinjiang. Our research also examines how the CCP’s use of foreign influencers presents a growing challenge to global social media platforms, and in particular their efforts to identify and label state-affiliated accounts. This report focuses on the promotion of foreign influencers who disseminate content about Xinjiang on US-based social media and content networks, including YouTube, Twitter, Facebook and Instagram, as well as on Chinese platforms such as Bilibili. The report analyses this unique online influencer ecosystem and examines three in-depth case studies with a focus on Xinjiang-focused foreign influencer content and the amplification of that content by Chinese state entities." (Executive summary)
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"Zubair Mujahid was a journalist from Mirpurkhas in Pakistan whose stories exposed corruption and human rights abuses. His stories and columns were published in the Daily Jang, an Urdu language newspaper based in Karachi, Pakistan’s largest urban centre. On 23 November 2007, Zubair was shot while
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he was sitting on the back of his colleague’s motorcycle, driving home after a long working day. Our investigative team reviewed the official police files and interviewed twenty witnesses with the aim of uncovering new evidence to support the road to justice for Zubair. The investigation also included an analysis of Zubair’s publications prior to the murder, and threats he received in response to his writing. This report presents the findings of our investigation." (Abstract)
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"The media sector in Moldova is diverse. Dogged investigative reporting plays a vital role in public life. However, the legal framework governing the sector is unstable and underdeveloped. In 2020, much of the country’s political class treated the independent press with hostility, viewing journali
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sts as obstacles to rather than partners in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. Financial sustainability continues to elude the sector. Many outlets are captured by and serve as mouthpieces for political interests, and the fallout of the pandemic has exacerbated the precarity experienced by the independent press." (Executive summary)
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"Why do state authorities murder journalists? We show that the majority of journalists are killed in democracies and present an argument that focuses on institutional differences between democratic states. In democracies, journalists will most likely be targeted by local state authorities that have
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limited options to generally restrict press freedom. Where local governments are elected, negative reporting could mean that local politicians lose power and influence, especially if they are involved in corrupt practices. Analyzing new global data on journalist killings that identify the perpetrator and visibility of the journalist, we show that local-level elections carry an inherent risk, particularly for less visible journalists. Killings perpetrated by criminal groups follow a similar pattern to those by state authorities, pointing to possible connections between these groups. Our study shows that without effective monitoring and accountability, national democratic institutions alone are unable to effectively protect journalists from any perpetrator." (Abstract)
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"This report provides the first detailed account of the raid on the Tengdro monastery and its consequences, including multiple detentions and a suicide, that has appeared in any media within or outside China. It also provides analysis of what the case shows about conditions in Tibet today and assess
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es possible reasons for the unprecedentedly harsh sentences given to three of the four monks for minor online activities and communications that are commonplace among Tibetans. Human Rights Watch has not been able to find another case in which Tibetans were convicted of major offenses and sentenced to such long terms without any information emerging to explain the severity of the punishment." (Page 2)
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"Bis in die 1990er-Jahre hinein galt der Berliner Kutscher Bruno Lüdke als brutalster Serienmörder Deutschlands - eine "Bestie in Menschengestalt". Nachdem der zwangssterilisierte Mann 1943 des Mordes an einer Frau verdächtigt und festgenommen wurde, lasteten ihm NS-Kriminalpolizisten über 50 we
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itere Sexualmorde an. Während der Ermittlungen entstanden Verhörprotokolle, Fotoalben, ein Handabdruck, eine kolorierte Büste - doch triftige Mordbeweise fehlten. 1944 waren es SS-Männer aus dem Reichssicherheitshauptamt, die Lüdke ermordeten. Die vorliegende Studie legt plastisch dar, dass die Geschichten über den Kutscher perfide sozialrassistische Erfindungen waren, die erst nach Kriegsende medial verstärkt wurden: Jahrzehntelang reproduzierten bundesdeutsche Medien das von den Nazis geprägte Bild des geisteskranken Triebtäters, unter anderem Rudolf Augstein im "Spiegel" oder 1957 Robert Siodmaks Spielfilm "Nachts, wenn der Teufel kam" it Mario Adorf. Die Medienwissenschaftlerin Susanne Regener und der Historiker Axel Doßmann analysieren, mit welchen Strategien ein Opfer zum Täter gemacht wurde und welche gesellschaftlichen Funktionen mit der Konstruktion des "Bösen" und "Anormalen" verbunden sind. Das Buch präsentiert die wichtigsten historischen Quellen zum Kriminalfall: Fotografien, Zeitschriftenartikel, Akten, Filmstills und Plakate." (Klappentext)
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"India ranks 140th among 180 countries worldwide in the World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), according to the 2019 report by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In 2018, India was 138th in the same index and 136th in 2016. For the media of the world's largest democracy, this is disconcerting. The slide in
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the country's press freedom ranking is indicative of a complex and hostile social, political, and economic environment pushing at the boundaries of media that is struggling to perform independently as the fourth estate. This chapter takes a critical look at imminent threats to freedom of speech and expression faced by the Indian media in the contemporary situation. The first objective of the chapter is to identify diverse threats to the Indian media, specifically journalism. The second objective is to trace both immediate as well as distal factors that breed hostility towards the media, with a focus on press laws and constitutional provisions in India." (Abstract)
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