"In both authoritarian and democratic contexts, new forms of censorship online are carried out through distributed attacks on freedom of expression that are insidiously difficult to detect, and often just as effective, if not more, than the kinds of brute force techniques by state agents that came b
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efore. Their goal is not always to block users, content or themes, but to attack the democratic discourse, weaken trust in institutions like the media, other governments, the opposition, and civil society. These strategies increasingly polarize and diminish the networked public sphere, resulting in a more dangerous and confined space for media and civil society to operate." (Key findings)
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"Since 2013, Bangladesh authorities have used draconian provisions in the Information and Communication Technology Act (ICT Act) to arrest scores of people for political and social commentary critical of the current Awami League government or its leaders. Those targeted have also included journalist
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s and editors arrested for articles critical of government officials or for writing about corruption or maladministration, as well as numerous individuals arrested for allegedly offending religious sentiment or for defamation. 'No Place for Criticism' details dozens of cases since authorities amended the act in 2013 to add harsher penalties and allow the police to make arrests without warrant. Since the Cyber Tribunal was established in 2013, the police submitted 1271 charge sheets to the Cyber Tribunal in Dhaka, most of them under section 57 of the act, a particularly sweeping provision. Many detainees have been held for months without trial. A significant number of those arrested are linked to Bangladesh opposition parties and were detained following complaints to the police by members of the governing Awami League. The government has pledged to replace the ICT Act with a new law, the Digital Security Act, a draft of which is now being considered by parliament. However, the proposed new law in some respects is broader and more open to abuse than the law it seeks to replace, and it continues to violate Bangladesh’s international obligation to protect freedom of speech." (Back cover)
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"The present publication has a Janus-like function. It looks back on and reflects on a highly successful series of expert meetings and related work carried out by the Office of the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media between 2014 and 2015. At the same time, it also looks forward, wondering h
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ow the regulatory, ethical, technological and market-related challenges facing Open Journalism can be overcome in the future" [...] "Open Journalism is an umbrella term that covers a variety of collaborative and cooperative forms of journalism, for instance between professional journalists and recognised experts on the topics they are covering, or between professional journalists and members of the general public. There is no fixed or authoritative definition of the term, but the notion of participation is key. The term also denotes an opening up of journalism and the recognition that a growing number of actors engage in the activity of journalism. What has changed is the nature of the relationship between journalists and the public. Journalism is no longer the preserve of professional journalists and there can be interaction with the public during all stages of the news production process." (Introduction, page 3-6)
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"The ability of the media and especially journalism to operate freely is crucial in order on the one hand to hold governments and other institutions accountable for their actions and on the other to allow citizens to make informed decisions. To discuss the current state of affairs for media and jour
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nalistic freedom in Europe, the authors draw on the findings of two of independent projects awarded a grant by the European Commission —the Safety Net for European Journalists and the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ecpmf). First, the article offers insights as to current threats and other impediments experienced by journalists, and highlights their structural basis. In the second section it shows how, despite the European commitment to media freedom, developments in 2015-16 suggest that both the «war of attrition» and the ‘toxic environment’ identified by Safety Net are expanding and apply to more countries in Europe." (Abstract)
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"Han reveals how the state, service providers, and netizens negotiate the limits of discourse, interrogating our assumptions about authoritarian resilience and the internet's democratizing power." (Publisher description)
"Urge poner por delante el respeto a la vida, a la integridad física, mental, emocional y a la dignidad de los periodistas de medios privados y comunitarios. Pero este principio no se cumple en una región flagelada por el narcotráfico, las pandillas y la corrupción. Informar y opinar hacen parti
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cularmente vulnerables a los periodistas en zonas alejadas de las grandes ciudades, donde el Estado no está presente. Son los periodistas y medios locales más pequeños y departamentales, quienes muchas veces trabajan sin ningún tipo de blindaje. Se enfrentan a intimidaciones y amenazas por parte de alcaldes, policías municipales y vecinos con negocios oscuros, sin tener protección alguna y sin poner en práctica siquiera las medidas más mínimas de seguridad a su alcance, aun teniendo consciencia de ellas. ¿Cómo asistirles? ¿Cómo convencer no solamente a los periodistas, sino también a sus medios de comunicación de que urge un esfuerzo para proteger la vida de sus colaboradores, y con ello preservar la libertad de expresión? Una respuesta a estas preguntas surgió entre la DW Akademie, la Fundación por la Libertad de Prensa (FLIP), de Colombia y el Centro Civitas, de Guatemala. En un “Diálogo de Medios” en Antigua Guatemala, del 26 al 28 de noviembre de 2018, se construyó un protocolo modelo de seguridad para periodistas de medios locales y comunitarios que pretende hacer consciencia acerca de la necesidad de prevenir y protegerse. No es un modelo abstracto, sino que parte de las experiencias cotidianas de 12 periodistas con poder de decisión en sus medios. Participaron comunicadores de México, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua y Guatemala." (Introducción)
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"The four countries concerned in this publication – Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya - each have a complex set of challenges - and opportunities - in relation to the advancement of free and independent media. Yet, they share several trends and certainly the tensions between laws pertaining to f
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reedom of expression, political actors and the judiciary practice. Four legal experts have taken up the challenge to briefly introduce in this study both the legal frameworks and the tension points, and to formulate key recommendations to address the deficiencies in law or practice. These recommendations are a means by which non-governmental organisations and rights defenders can pursue their critical advocacy work." (Preface)
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"In recent years, the Danish cartoons affair, the Charlie Hebdo murders and the terrorist attacks in Brussels and Paris have resulted in increasingly strident anti-Islamic speeches by politicians. This raises questions about the limits to freedom of expression and whether this freedom can and should
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be restricted to protect the religious feelings of believers. This book uses the case law of the European Court of Human Rights to provide a comprehensive analysis of the questions: whether legal prohibitions of religious hate speech violate the right to freedom of expression; and, whether such laws should be used to prosecute politicians and others who contribute to current debates when they use anti-Islam rhetoric. A well-known politician who uses such rhetoric is Dutch politician Geert Wilders. He has been prosecuted twice for hate speech, and was acquitted in the first case and recently convicted in the second. These prosecutions are used to illustrate the issues involved in drawing the line between freedom of expression and religious hate speech. The author argues that freedom of expression of politicians and those contributing to the public debate should not be restricted except in two very limited circumstances: when they incite to hatred or violence and there is an imminent danger that violence will follow or where it stops people from holding or manifesting their religion. Based on this, the author concludes that the European Court of Human Rights should decide, if it is asked to do so, that Wilders conviction for hate speech violates his freedom of expression." (Publisher description)
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"El cine de cárceles ha desarrollado un lenguaje propio, casi como si de un género se tratase. Y lo ha hecho para presentarse ante la audiencia con muy diferentes intenciones: desde denunciar un sistema penal con serias imperfecciones a relatar historias de superación, pasando por descubrir injus
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ticias e implicarnos en trepidantes fugas. Pero ya sea con la intención de emocionarnos, sobrecogernos o incluso hacernos reír, cada vez que una cámara se ha colocado al otro lado de las rejas lo ha hecho para recordarnos el valor de un bien no siempre del todo apreciado: nuestra propia libertad." (Cubierta del libro)
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"The so-called Right to be Forgotten (RTBF) refers to the removal of content from either search engine indexes or even the entire internet so that it is not readily accessible to end users. While the concept emerged out of a European legal tradition that favors the privacy of non-public individuals,
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in practice it has led to the censorship of information relevant to the public interest. It has endangered press freedom by leading to the removal of news articles, and it has hindered media development by erasing content from the digital public record." (Key findings)
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"Press freedom is facing new threats in major democracies as well as in repressive states, where authorities are focusing their efforts on social media and other online platforms after subduing the independence of major print and broadcast outlets. The analysis below—drawn from the findings of Fre
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edom House’s most recent Freedom in the World, Freedom on the Net, and Nations in Transit research projects and from its in-country programs—shows that media independence is under pressure in every region of the world, but also that dedicated journalists are still playing a vital role in even the most hostile environments." (Abstract)
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"Poland has become a crucial battleground in the drive by authoritarian-minded leaders to gain control over political discourse and limit media pluralism. The Law and Justice government has sought to control the media as part of a broader push to weaken checks and balances and silence independent vo
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ices. By rejecting the media’s independence, the government is deepening polarization within Poland. The fate of media freedom in Poland will herald either the continued march of populist authoritarianism around the world or a turning of the tide and a new period of democratic resilience. The EU and Poland’s allies, including the United States, should make clear that Poland’s best interests lie in respecting the media’s independence and allowing a diversity of views to flourish." (Key findings)
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"The information and media environment in North Korea continues to evolve quickly. This report demonstrates that the depth and diversity of information and media access channels have grown markedly since the release of A Quiet Opening in 2012. More North Koreans have greater access to a larger varie
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ty of media content and communication devices. However, it is equally clear the North Korean state is determined to regain control of how and what information its citizens access. Rather than attempting to recreate the information blockade and national sequestration of the Kim Il Sung era, the state’s recent technological innovations strongly suggest it is moving toward a new, but no less heavily controlled information environment. This is apparent when we examine current and emerging techniques for censorship, surveillance and integrity preservation across the network, device and human levels." (Conclusion)
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"The summarised reports in this chapter show that the scope of safety and sacrifice is far greater than each actor alone or their sum can account for. Although the discussion did not offer an investigation into the USA and other mature democracies, it is clear from the survey in the European territo
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ry that safe havens are few and in between, and that even in stable democracies the conditions for journalism and free expression remain vulnerable and can deteriorate surprisingly fast." (Abstract)
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"South Asia is a region of enormous contrasts, but from the vastness of India to tiny and placid Bhutan, journalism faces several problems in common. The safety situation has improved in some of the countries that were racked by internal strife, but journalists remain at acute risk in India and Paki
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stan. Nepal and Sri Lanka have perhaps improved their records since they came out of decades of internal conflict, the former through a negotiated truce and the latter by a military victory. But the legacy of years of conflict remains to be reckoned with, without which a full reconciliation seems unlikely. Public opinion within Bangladesh remains polarised by rival perceptions of history and disagreements over identifying friend and foe in the contemporary geopolitical landscape." (Overview, page 6)
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"A survey published by the Council of Europe, based on a sample of 940 journalists reporting from the 47 Council of Europe member states and Belarus, shows that journalists in Europe are often exposed to serious unwarranted interference in their work, including intimidation and violence. As a conseq
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uence, many also suffer from fear, which frequently leads to self-Censorship. Almost one third of the journalists who participated in the survey, carried out between April and July 2016, had experienced physical assault over a period of three years. The most common interference, reported by 69% of the journalists, was psychological violence, including intimidation, threats, slandering and humiliation. The second most common interference was cyberbullying, reported by 53%, mostly in the form of accusations of being partisan, personal attacks, public defamation and smear campaigns. Reports of intimidation from interest groups were the third most frequent interference mentioned (50%), followed by being threatened with force (46%), intimidation by political groups (43%), targeted surveillance (39%) and intimidation by the police (35%)." (Council of Europe website)
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"Democracies with sharp violence and public insecurity have proliferated in recent decades, with many also featuring extreme economic inequality. These conditions have not been explicitly considered in comparative research on journalists’ work environments, an omission that may obscure important r
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ealities of contemporary journalism. We address this gap through analysis of journalist surveys in 62 countries. We confirm the existence of insecure democracies as an empirical phenomenon and begin to unravel their meaning for journalists. We find democracies with uneven democratic performance tend to have more journalist assassinations, which is the most extreme form of influence on work, and that levels of democratic performance, violence, public insecurity and economic inequality significantly shape how journalists perceive various influences in their work environment. Case studies of insecure democracies in Africa and Latin America address why these conditions sometimes (but not always) lead to journalist assassinations and other anti-press violence. They suggest anti-press violence is higher when sub-national state actors intensify criminal violence and when insecurity is geographically and topically proximate to journalists. How journalists’ perceive influences on work are therefore more complex and multidimensional than previous research has suggested. The study concludes by identifying areas for improvement in data collection." (Abstract)
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"In the period after the fall of communism, peculiar new obstacles to media independence have arisen. They include the telltale structure of media ownership, with news reporting being concentrated in the hands of politically engaged business tycoons, the fuzzy and contradictory legislation of the me
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dia realm, and the informal institutions of political interference in mass media. The book analyzes interrelationships between politics, the economy, and media in Ukraine, especially their shadowy sides guided by private interests and informal institutions. Being embedded in comparative politics and post-Communist media studies, it helps to understand the nature and workings of the Ukrainian media system situated in-between democracy and authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"The World Press Freedom Day celebration in Jakarta was a milestone for Indonesia’s democratic progress, but it was also remarkable for the silence around gross violations in the country’s Papuan provinces, writes David Robie." (Abstract)