"Journalists may be exposed to a number of risk factors for unwarranted interference. This is often compounded by a culture of impunity. The extent of unwarranted interference, the experience of fear associated with such interference, and the consequent possibility of self-censorship among journalis
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ts still ask for more investigation, since there are few systematic studies on this topic. This research explores the prevalence of unwarranted interference, perception of likelihood/fear of such interference and possible self censorship amongst a non-probability convenience sample of 940 journalists in the 47 Council of Europe member states. The study adopts a quantitative approach and utilizes an anonymous self-report questionnaire. The preliminary results presented here show how unwarranted interference is experienced to a significant degree among journalists in Council of Europe member states." (Abstract)
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"The research documents how, despite immense ongoing challenges, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Nepal and Pakistan, some important advances have been made to develop joint structures and innovative approaches to defend the practice of journalism. It examines the long road Colombia has followed in the establi
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shment of its protection programme, and looks at what organisations and bodies working on the ground in Indonesia and the Philippines struggle against, and what they have achieved using the resources available to them." (Back cover)
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"[...] es una herramienta indispensable para operadores de justicia que tratan casos sobre la libertad de expresión. La guía, producida conjuntamente por la UNESCO y la oficina del Relator Especial para Libertad de Expresión (RELE) y escrita por Silvia Chocarro, es un mapa esencial de los estánd
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ares internacionales e incluye recomendaciones de lecturas, referencias a textos legales, ejemplos de casos y recursos útiles para ayudar a operadores de justicia a navegar en el terreno, a veces complejo, de garantizar el derecho a la libertad de expresión y acceso a la información." (www.cima.ned.org)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"The United Nations (UN) has played an increasing role in promoting the safety of journalists. Yet little has been done to study its work from a historical perspective. This paper explores global attempts to promote journalist safety carried out by the UN system, from its inception in 1945 until 201
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6. It also analyses the past to ascertain the relevance of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity. Never since its approval in 2012 has the UN progressed so much in such a short time in this field of normative work. This affords a historic opportunity to tackle this issue meaningfully." (Abstract)
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"This study, which covers 121 UNESCO Member States, represents a global benchmarking of journalistic source protection in the Digital Age. It focuses on developments during the period 2007-2015. The legal frameworks that support protection of journalistic sources, at international, regional and coun
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try levels, are under significant strain in 2015. They are increasingly at risk of erosion, restriction and compromise - a development that is seen to represent a direct challenge to the established universal human rights of freedom of expression and privacy, and one that especially may constitute a threat to the sustainability of investigative journalism. In many of the countries examined in this Study, it was found that legal source protection frameworks are being actually or potentially: overridden by national security and anti-terrorism legislation; undercut by surveillance – both mass and targeted; jeopardised by mandatory data retention policies and pressure applied to third party intermediaries - like ISPs, telcos, search engines, social media platforms - to release data which risks exposing sources; outdated when it comes to regulating the collection and use of digital data, such as whether information recorded without consent is admissible in a court case against either a journalist or a source; and whether digitally stored material gathered by journalistic actors is covered by existing source protection laws." (Executive summary)
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"The state has been for year the biggest advertiser in the country. Public money has been spent through its Ministries, institutions, republic agencies, bodies, local self-governments etc on different advertising and sponsorship contracts. The total value of state advertising still remains unknown d
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ue to the poor regulation of this sector. Most commercial advertising is placed with national media outlets. Outside the main cities, local economies are underdeveloped and advertising markets are very poor or nearly nonexistent. Under every government so far, owners of media buying agencies had close ties with the ruling party and politics. These connections have helped acentuate growing economic and editorial pressure on Serbian media. According to the latest available data which relate to 2016, the total value of the advertising market in Serbia was 174 million Euros. This amount of money is insufficient to sustain the survival of the curently active media in Serbia. There are more than 1600 active registred media outlets which are competing for their share of the advertising market." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"In Russia, the state controls strategic media (such as national TV), and restricts independent media and the internet through increasingly repressive legislation. However, there is still some scope for media pluralism, with a few outlets openly criticising the authorities." (Page 1)
"The idea of rules limiting concentration of media ownership is often cast by media owners as a restriction on their right to freedom of expression. Unfortunately, the behaviour of States in Latin America has often lent support to this perspective, especially when States abuse for political ends the
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ir power to provide for regulation of the media. International law has a clear answer to both of these problems. By protecting the rights of both the speaker and the listener, international law provides an alternative view of the claim that limits on media ownership are simply restrictions on freedom of expression. Instead, by promoting a plurality of voices in the public sphere, such limits enhance the right of listeners to receive a diversity of information and ideas, which is essential to the exercise of full citizenship, political participation, robust cultural expression and many other important values in society. Thus what at first blush may appear as a restriction on the expressive rights of speakers is also a form of protection for the freedom of expression rights of listeners." (Conclusion)
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"Which instruments and approaches do incumbent elites employ to skew media coverage in favour of their preferred candidate in a presidential election? What effects do these strategies have on news content? Based on two case studies of the presidential election campaigns in Russia in 2000 and in 2008
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, this investigation identifies the critical internal mechanisms according to which these regimes work. Looking at the same country, while it transformed from a competitive into a hegemonic authoritarian regime, allows one to make a diachronic comparison of these two regime types based on the Most-Similar Systems Design. The book explicates the subtle differences between competitive and hegemonic regimes, different types of media manipulation strategies, the diverging extent of media instrumentalisation, various interactions among state actors, large business owners, the media, and journalists, the respective effects that all these factors and interactions have on media content, and the peculiar types of bias prevalent in each type of regime." (Publisher description)
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"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"Hasta 2014, eran cinco los principales grupos que operaban en la región con capacidad de liderazgo y expansión más allá de las fronteras geográficas y de sectorización industrial: en orden de importancia a partir de su facturación, se trataba de Telefónica, América Móvil, Globo, Televisa
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y Clarín. Por entonces, las dos telefónicas mencionadas se ubicaban en un nivel muy superior al de Globo y Televisa, dado que facturaban diez veces más que los multimedios de Brasil y México. Estos, por su parte, duplicaban los ingresos del Grupo Clarín de Argentina. Desde entonces, hubo modificaciones en la estructuración de estos grupos, nuevas sociedades entre algunos de ellos y fusiones que alteraron su jerarquía económica y que potencian aún más el cuadro de concentración que se documenta en este libro. Cabe destacar que, si se considera solo a Telefónica y América Móvil, estos grupos se encuentran presentes en 18 de los 35 mercados analizados en esta investigación, con participaciones que tienen –al menos– el 30% de los mercados. Si la muestra abarca a los cinco grandes conglomerados de la región, se comprueba que estos están presentes en 28 de los 35 sectores. Pero también se puede apreciar que el tipo de presencia es completamente diferente si se considera a las telefónicas o a los grupos provenientes del sector de medios. Las primeras muestran una presencia secuencial, con dominio sustantivo en la televisión de pago, la telefonía fija y móvil, y la provisión de servicios de acceso a internet. Los grupos de medios tienen una presencia más diversificada, ya que han comenzado el proceso de convergencia hacia el sector de las telecomunicaciones (en especial Televisa y, fuera del lapso del presente estudio, Clarín), pero con una participación acotada a su territorio de origen. De esta forma, las telefónicas son grupos de carácter internacional o panregional con fuerte presencia en la región y una facturación muy superior a la de los grandes grupos de medios. Por su parte, los medios tradicionales han aprovechado su capacidad de influencia en la agenda política para promover sus intereses e iniciar el camino a una diversificación plena (presencia en todos o casi todos los mercados infocomunicacionales) antes que las telefónicas. De cómo se resuelva esta disputa con intereses claramente diferenciados entre medios y telefónicas, dependerá la evolución de la concentración en la región." (Conclusiones, página 193-194)
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"This report takes a look at a selection of the innovative, successful ways media companies, individual journalists and civil society organizations are coming together to improve journalist safety. These are cases of people taking the initiative, of acting on behalf of the profession, of not sitting
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back as disempowered victims. The report is not an overview of all the work that is being done in this domain. It is not full of statistics and data. It is, instead, a collection of stories, told in the words of the motivated people who are dedicated to protecting courageous journalists with pro-active measures to make them safer." (Introduction, page 9)
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"This report indicates that through complex set of mechanism the previous government, as well as authorities, gave their best to fully control the media sphere with the final aim to advance and prolong their reign. These tendencies can be observed through analysing the onground work and comparing it
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with theoretical research in a coherent framework of tools and strategies that were used as a sort of blueprint on how to control the media. One the one hand, political elites, linked with a lack of political will to protect journalists and freedom of the media, are partially responsible for the unsatisfactory situation in the country. On the other side a fair share of the responsibility lies at international organisations and journalists themselves for not being fully proactive in tackling pressing issues. With the given testimonials of Macedonian journalists and media workers underlining this assessment, the report gives on-ground perspective and first-hand experience on the main issues that are undermining professional journalism in the country." (Abstract)
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