"News media played a prominent role in perpetuating the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Since then, Rwanda has undergone impressive social and economic growth, but the media landscape during this redevelopment remains understudied. Qualitative interviews with Rwandan journalists reveal that reporters censor
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themselves to promote peace and reunification. Short-term, prioritizing social good over media rights might help unify the country, but ultimately it could limit development and reinforce existing authoritarian power structures. Findings suggest that McQuail’s development media theory and Hachten’s developmental concept maintain relevance but point to the need for a new or revised media development paradigm." (Abstract)
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"Based on an analysis of the use of AI-driven tools in the light of Article 10 EHCR, this report highlights a number of points for attention and the need for further initiatives. In particular, we signal that:
- There is an important role for member States to ensure that access to innovative technol
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ogies, training data, digital skills and education in the use of new data-driven means of producing and distributing news is also open to smaller, local players. This is important also in the light of the growing competition with new media players, such as internet intermediaries, and the need to protect and promote diverse media markets.
- While the use of AI-driven tools in the media is in principle covered by Article 10 ECHR, the protection afforded under Article 10 ECHR also comes with specific duties and responsibilities for the media. In particular, we signal the need to and make concrete proposals for the development of professional algorithmic ethics regarding the question of how to promote the use of AI-driven tools in a way that is compatible with human rights and fundamental freedoms.
- In addition to the development of professional algorithmic ethics, the positive obligations of member States include the need to identify clear conditions for the responsibility and (editorial) oversight regarding automated processes, be that AI-driven recommendations in the media, media intermediaries or robot journalism, but also for creating fair conditions for the media to flourish in data-driven media markets." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World data, media freedom has been deteriorating around the world over the past decade, with new forms of repression taking hold in open societies and authoritarian states alike. The trend is most acute in Europe, previously a bastion of well-establishe
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d freedoms, and in Eurasia and the Middle East, where many of the world’s worst dictatorships are concentrated. If democratic powers cease to support media independence at home and impose no consequences for its restriction abroad, the free press corps could be in danger of virtual extinction." (https://freedomhouse.org)
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"Die iz3w erscheint in einem Land mit einer »guten Situation« für Presseerzeugnisse (globaler Index der Reporter ohne Grenzen). In vielen Ländern ist die Lage infolge von Repressionen »sehr ernst«, zum Beispiel in China, in Iran oder Sudan. Auch in Ländern zwischen diesen Extremen kann freier
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Journalismus lebensgefährlich sein, etwa in Mexiko. Dabei sind die Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit Grundvoraussetzungen für Gesellschaften, die aufgeklärte Zustände und Partizipation an politischen Entscheidungen anstreben. Es geht um demokratische, freiheitliche und soziale Regeln, die einerseits im Bewusstsein, andererseits als verbindliche Rechte verankert sind. Wir lassen Personen zu Wort kommen, die sich für diese Ziele einsetzen, und fragen uns: Wie sehen die Produktionsbedingungen für die Berichterstattung weltweit aus? Wozu braucht es freie Medien? Wo fängt die Repression an und auf welche Weise wirken sich neue Medien auf die Berichterstattung aus?" (https://www.iz3w.org/printausgaben/heft-365)
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"La libertad de expresión debe convivir con el respeto al derecho ajeno. Pero, ¿quién determina dónde se ubica exactamente ese límite? En una sociedad democrática como la nuestra que está regida por un Estado de derecho, es la ley la que regula esa dinámica. Aunque bien sabemos que las leyes
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no son expresión de las necesidades colectivas o de la equidad en las relaciones humanas. Por tanto, la delicada relación entre libertad y regulación se convierte en un terreno de negociación y disputa en el que las respuestas definitivas y consensuales resultan imposibles de alcanzar. Una de las instituciones que durante un siglo intentó ejercer esa regulación en el Perú fue el jurado de imprenta, que es el objeto de estudio de este exhaustivo trabajo del magistrado Carlos Ramos Núñez, el más importante historiador del derecho que ha producido nuestro país. En este nuevo libro, el autor ilumina el accionar de una institución que, sorprendentemente, no había recibido hasta ahora la atención que se merece. El jurado de imprenta se dedicaba a procesar casos de delitos de imprenta que podemos considerar comunes, en oposición a aquellos de naturaleza claramente política. Estos últimos constituyeron solo una pequeña fracción del total de casos existentes. Ciudadanos ordinarios que veían sus derechos y su honor afectados por alguna publicación recurrían al jurado de imprenta para intentar obtener justicia y castigar conductas contrarias a la convivencia y el respeto mutuo." (Editorial)
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"Em termo de variedade de conteúdos e formatos, há uma hegemonia quase absoluta dos modelos de negócio calcados no lucro e do entretenimento. Este tipo de conteúdo é o foco de 84% dos sites mais acessados. Apenas a Wikipedia surge como grande produtor e difusor de conteúdo, mas ainda assim de
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caráter enciclopédico e não na disputa dinâmica pelos acontecimentos. Apenas 9 dos 100 sites mais acessados (9%) são jornalísticos, sendo metade destes relacionados aos grupos Globo e Folha. Da chamada mídia “progressista”, somente dois sites estão entre os 500 mais acessados, Portal Fórum e Brasil 247 (0,4%). Nesta lista, bem como na de aplicativos, não há um veículo sequer de caráter público ou comunitário. Nos canais de YouTube, em que há a presença de novos agentes, inclusive indivíduos, o entretenimento representa 84% dos espaços analisados. A abordagem temática calcada em “comentários diversos”, visando entretenimento, e a baixíssima incidência de conteúdos educativos ou jornalísticos levanta a questão de como esses canais contribuem ou não para o debate público [...] Em uma tentativa de amarração do quadro geral, podemos arriscar dizer que, se por um lado a Internet aumentou o número de agentes na sua camada de aplicações e conteúdos em relação a outros meios, como a TV, por outro, a hegemonia das grandes plataformas e dos grandes grupos de mídia nacional problematizam de um espaço efetivamente democratizado. Ao contrário, o alcance de plataformas como Facebook e YouTube tem uma dimensão que nenhum outro agente da indústria cultural conseguiu anteriormente, mesmo que já houvesse internacionalização de diversos segmentos (como no cinema e nas programadoras de TV por assinatura)." (Sumário executivo, página 15)
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"The Arab world was taken by surprise when mass protests erupted in Tunisia in December 2010, followed by mass protests in Egypt in January 2011. Much optimism was expressed towards a new era for journalism freedom in the Arab world, in Egypt specifically with the fall of Hosni Mubarak and the long
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reign of his authoritarian regime. The influx of private media, mainly TV channels, following his demise was remarkable. Seven years on from the Egyptian revolt, the state of journalism in Egypt has transferred from a state of hope to one of despair." (Abstract)
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"This collection covers the major trends of the media environment of the post-Communist world and their recent development, with special focus on Russia and the post-Soviet space. The term ‘media environment’ covers not just traditional print and electronic media, but new media as well, and rang
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es from the political to entertainment and various artistic spheres. What role do market forces play in the process of media democratization, and how do state structures regulate, suppress, or use capitalism toward their own gain? What degree of informational pluralism has been achieved in the newly independent republics? What are the prospects for transparency and the participation of civil society in Russian and Eurasian media? To what degree do trends in post-Communist media reflect global trends? Is there a worldwide convergence with regard to both media formats and political messaging? Western observers usually pay their keenest attention to the role of media in Russia and Eurasia during national elections. While this is a valid focus, the present volume [...] aims at understanding the deeper overall ‘media philosophies’ that characterize post-Soviet media systems and environments, and the type of identity formation that they are promoting." (Publisher description)
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"Popular support for a free news media has declined significantly in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania – three countries currently making headlines for government attempts to limit press freedom. Recent Afrobarometer surveys show that the proportion of respondents who say the government “should have t
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he right to prevent the media from publishing things that it considers harmful to society” has risen sharply in Tanzania and Uganda, and more modestly in Kenya, over the past five years. At the same time, fewer citizens say they feel free to express their opinions." (Page 1)
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"This article develops the argument that blasphemy trials occupy a pivotal role in ‘religion-making’ in post-1998 Indonesia. Examining a blasphemy trial on the island of Lombok in 2010, I argue that the process of democratisation has given civilian actors more opportunity to engage Indonesia’s
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blasphemy law, a process analysed in terms of ‘lawfare’. Examining the interplay of legal regulation and the campaign against ‘deviant’ religion launched by conservative Muslim groups, the article tracks the affective consequences of this regulation, showing how the blasphemy law inspires civilians to investigate suspected cases of heresy. While blasphemy trials purportedly protect religion from insult and foster religious order, this article argues that religion lawfare breeds suspicion and divisions among citizens." (Abstract)
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"In a new report entitled “Online harassment of journalists: the trolls attack,” Reporters Without Borders (RSF) sheds light on the latest danger for journalists – threats and insults on social networks that are designed to intimidate them into silence. The sources of these threats and insults
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may be ordinary “trolls” (individuals or communities of individuals hiding behind their screens) or armies of online mercenaries. Harassing journalists has never been as easy as it is now. Freedom of expression and bots are being used to curtail the freedom to inform. With the help of its 12 bureaux and sections and its worldwide network of correspondents, RSF has documented dozens of cases in 32 countries for the last six months and has for the first time classified the types of online harassment. RSF has interviewed experts in cyber-crime, newsroom editors, lawyers and, above all, journalists themselves - some of whom have been terrified by the torrents of online abuse to a scale they had never imagined possible. The links between the masterminds and the trolls who carry out the cyberviolence against journalists are often hard to demonstrate. More research needs to be done. One thing is nonetheless clear: this phenomenon is spreading throughout the world. How should we respond to these virulent online campaigns that often have dramatic consequences? RSF offers recommendations for governments, international organizations, online platforms, media companies, and advertisers." (Introduction)
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"On 16 October 2017, the editors of two popular Ugandan newspapers—the Daily Monitor and Red Pepper—were summoned to the Criminal Investigations Directorate in Kampala following the publication of stories revealing the allocation of a Ugandan Shillings 715 m (almost £150,000) budget for a plann
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ed 10-day cross-country consultation, to be undertaken by the Parliamentary Affairs Committee." (Abstract)
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"For more than two decades, Uzbekistan has been a country with severe restrictions on free speech and media and some of the longest-imprisoned journalists in the world. There are now tentative signs of change in Central Asia’s most populous country. Opportunities for more open debate and independe
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nt reporting are increasing, but politically-motivated prosecutions and measures of state censorship still impose pressure and a chilling effect on media outlets, journalists and other government critics. “You Can’t See Them, But They’re Always There:” Censorship and Freedom of the Media in Uzbekistan examines the situation for journalists, media outlets, and the exercise of free speech since Uzbekistan’s second president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, assumed the presidency in 2016. Although Mirziyoyev’s government has taken some positive steps including the release of long-held journalists from prison, it has more to do to demonstrate meaningful reform in the area of free speech. It should immediately end powers of censorship, drop ongoing prosecutions against journalists, and allow effective access to information, including online. Advances for media freedom will be fleeting unless the government fully embraces freedom of speech and sends a message that peaceful criticism of government policies will be respected and protected in Uzbekistan." (Back cover)
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"On 3 May 2016, the Declaration on Media Freedom in the Arab World (Declaration or Arab Declaration) was adopted at a groundbreaking event in Casablanca, Morocco, attended by over 100 delegates representing journalists’ unions, human rights campaigners and media groups from across the Arab World.
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The Declaration is historic for a number of reasons. Firstly, it represents the first comprehensive statement on media freedom rights in the Arab World. Secondly, the values it promotes reflect the highest international standards of media freedom and the protection of journalists’ rights. Thirdly and perhaps most importantly, since its adoption, a process has been underway to obtain formal recognition of the Declaration by Arab States, with the result that a growing number of these States are endorsing it. The Declaration, which includes a Preamble and 16 principles addressing different thematic issues relating to media freedom and the protection of journalists’ rights, is clear and self-evident. At the same time, declarations are, by definition, brief, focusing on setting out key principles and standards. This Explanatory Memorandum elaborates on the principles in the Declaration, providing background on the underlying international and regional standards from which they are drawn." (Page 1)
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"Key findings: Declines outnumber gains for the eighth consecutive year. Out of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net, 26 experienced a deterioration in internet freedom. Almost half of all declines were related to elections; China trains the world in digital authoritarianism: Chinese offi
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cials held trainings and seminars on new media or information management with representatives from 36 out of the 65 countries assessed by Freedom on the Net; Internet freedom declined in the United States; Citing fake news, governments curbed online dissent: At least 17 countries approved or proposed laws that would restrict online media in the name of fighting “fake news” and online manipulation; Authorities demand control over personal data: Governments in 18 countries increased surveillance, often eschewing independent oversight and weakening encryption in order to gain unfettered access to data." (Freedom House website)
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"Nous observons ainsi des mutations profondes dans le champ de la liberté de la presse, qui progresse sur plusieurs points, mais recule également dans certains autres. La liberté des médias est notamment limitée par de nombreuses restrictions légales sur le droit de communiquer des information
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s et des idées, bien que des progrès soient observés en ce qui concerne les garanties juridiques à chercher et à recevoir de l’information. En ce qui concerne le pluralisme des médias, les cinq dernières années ont vu la multiplication considérable des sources d’information. Pourtant, la concentration de la propriété des médias et des services Internet soulève des préoccupations majeures. Les effets de filtrage des médias sociaux, qui créent des « bulles » dans lesquelles les gens n’accèdent pas à la vérité ou aux « points de vue » qu’ils jugeraient « gênants » ou « inappropriés » sont un exemple. La manipulation et la diffusion de fausses informations par des organes de propagande en sont un autre. On note également un arrêt des progrès sur l’égalité des genres dans les contenus et en personnel. Les tendances montrent que l’indépendance des médias s’affaiblit et que les normes professionnelles du journalisme s’érodent sous l’effet des forces économiques d’un côté et du manque de reconnaissance de la part des acteurs politiques de l’autre. Les entreprises de médias et de l’Internet sont de plus en plus conscientes de la nécessité de s’autoréguler. En ce qui concerne enfin la sécurité physique, psychologique et numérique des journalistes, les tendances restent extrêmement alarmantes, même si la mise en oeuvre du Plan d’Action des Nations Unies sur la sécurité des journalistes et la question de l’impunité représente un espoir. Il existe un nouvel élan pour des mécanismes de suivi, de prévention, de protection et de renforcement de la justice pour les crimes commis contre les journalistes. Cet élan doit être encouragé." (Avant-propos, pages 10-11)
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