"Staatliche Medienförderung gilt als Instrument der Medienpolitik und bedeutet in der Regel die fortwährende finanzielle Unterstützung von Medieninhabern zur Produktion und dem Vertrieb von Medieninhalten und -projekten. Staatliche Medienförderung kann viele Formen annehmen, meint aber vorwiegen
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d direkte Finanzbeihilfen und Steuervergünstigungen. Bei einer Förderung, die über den klassischen Printmedienbereich (Tages- und Wochenzeitungen) hinausgeht, spricht man im Allgemeinen von Medienförderung (Film, Hörfunk und Fernsehen, aber auch Buch, Spiele, Internet, und Konvergenzmedien). Es wird im vorliegenden Beitrag argumentiert, dass die staatliche Förderung von Medien eine demokratie- und kulturpolitische Pflicht des Staates ist, um Medien- und Meinungsvielfalt zu stärken, die Produktion eines qualitativ anspruchsvollen Angebots anzuregen und dessen Konsum zu unterstützen. Die Debatten zu Medienförderung sind allerdings vielfältig, kontrovers und wertstrittig geführt. Die angebotenen Systeme werden gerne als ineffizient und wenig innovativ wahrgenommen. Demgegenüber stehen Argumente, die positive Effekte von staatlicher Medienförderung wie Erhalt und Erweiterung des Marktangebots und Vielfaltsicherung im Interesse des Konsums hervorheben. Der vorliegende Beitrag gelangt auf Basis von Analysen ausgewählter Förderpraxen in der DACH-Region [Deutschland, Österreich, deutschsprachige Schweiz] zum Ergebnis, dass das Phänomen Medienförderung mit dem wissenschaftlichen Instrumentarium der Medienökonomie plausibel begründbar ist. Die aktuellen Förderpraxen sind in Richtung einer „integralen Medienförderung“ auszubauen." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This volume brings together leading experts from a variety of fields to critically evaluate the extent to which global norms on freedom of expression and information have been established and which actors and institutions have contributed to their diffusion. The contributors also consider ongoing a
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nd new challenges to these norms, from conflicts over hate speech and the rise of populism to authoritarian governments, as well as the profound disruption introduced by the internet. Together, these essays lay the groundwork for an international legal doctrine on global freedom of expression that considers issues such as access to government-held information, media diversity, and political speech." (Publisher description)
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"Competent institutions should react in case of spreading hate speech and introduce appropriate measures to combat the spread of disinformation, which would serve as a middle ground between arresting those who spread disinformation and a too passive approach to this problem. In addition to this, the
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Criminal Code should be amended since its lack of preciseness allows deviations from international standards of freedom of expression. In addition to the Media Strategy, which is to deal with the development of the media and creating a more enabling work environment for journalists, the Government must work on raising awareness and improving the knowledge through the development of a media literacy strategy and an accompanying action plan. In the long run, the media community should work on the establishment of a single self-regulation body, which would bring to light the examples of the spread of hate speech, disinformation, and propaganda, and work on the promotion of professional standards. Existing self-regulatory bodies should initiate the process of changing and amending the Code of Journalists of Montenegro to include the issue of preventing the emergence and the spread of disinformation. Moreover, in order to prevent the spread of hate speech, the existing self-regulatory bodies, including the RTCG’s Ombudsperson, need to make a stronger effort in promoting the professional standards set out in the Code of Journalists of Montenegro." (Recommendations)
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"[...] el libro propone un diálogo a partir de tres categorías, a saber: 1) las limitaciones al acceso a la información y sus impactos en la vida política; 2) el régimen jurídico de la comunicación; y 3) los medios de comunicación y la representación política. Esta perspectiva, nos ayuda a
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fundamentar un estado de la discusión al tiempo en que vislumbramos una reflexión posicional que contribuye al análisis comparado del caso latinoamericano." (Introducción, página 15)
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"The current legislation should include a direct expression of hate speech and expand the scope of hate speech in terms of person and subject as much as possible. The anti-discrimination state bodies should focus on protecting the human rights of the most vulnerable groups, broadening legal protecti
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on and eliminating the hierarchy between discrimination grounds. The Government should adopt codes of conduct prohibiting hate speech and the authorities should encourage political parties to do likewise. The parliament should change the procedure in the laws regarding the participation of NGO monitoring and countering the hate speech and disinformation in media in the proceedings to support the victims of hate speech and disinformation as Turkish law does not recognise the standing of NGOs to bring claims in support of victims of discrimination. In order to distinguish which institutions or individuals benefit from impunity for hate speech, a monitoring mechanism should be established to render the judiciary’s different interpretations of the boundaries between hate speech and freedom of expression visible." (Policy reommendations)
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"The legislative framework for the regulation of hate speech in BiH is fragmented and unaligned with European standards, and there are few cases of its processing. Ways to combat disinformation mainly rely on self-regulatory frameworks and fact-checking platforms, and there are no comprehensive stra
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tegies to combat disinformation. Given the large presence of hate speech and disinformation, especially in the online sphere, which can affect the democratic processes in the country, it is necessary to improve the legislative, regulatory and self-regulatory frameworks and ways of their application. Bosnia and Herzegovina is obliged to adopt appropriate solutions in accordance with international conventions, recommendations of international bodies and standards of the European Court of Human Rights." (Conclusion, page 21)
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"There is a growing and urgent threat to the safety of journalists across Europe which constitutes a terminal threat to democracy and urgent action by Council of Europe Member States is required. At the international level, detailed guidance and standards for the protection of journalists have been
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developed, based on the binding legal requirements of the European Convention on Human Rights. Member States should now put in place National Action Plans to ensure that these international standards are implemented in practice. The foregoing paragraphs summarize the most urgent action points along with examples of State practice. There is much that Member States can learn from each other, and from countries outside Europe who have taken action to protect the safety of journalists. It is recommended that Member States conduct a thorough review of the threats to journalists’ safety in their countries and engage in genuine partnership with journalists and civil society to remedy these risks. All-encompassing National Action Plans should be drawn up, implemented, and kept under regular review. These Plans must contain ‘SMART’ (specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, time-bound) action points that respond to the needs on the ground – for example, providing police protection, or supporting evacuation mechanisms for journalists. Underpinning the National Action Plan must be a positive and genuine commitment to the importance of the right to freedom of expression: political leaders and public officials should explicitly recognize that violence against journalists constitutes a threat to democracy, unequivocally condemn violent attacks, and stop denigrating the media. A positive message needs to come from the top that freedom of expression is vital to democracy." (Conclusion and recommendations, page 20)
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"Many East African states have developed restrictive legal and policy measures regarding the use of the internet. This has resulted in the declining state of media freedom and safety of journalists. This article addresses freedom of expression as a pre-condition for safeguarding journalists in selec
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ted East African countries of Tanzania and Burundi. It highlights notable cases, where the regional court has emphasized the importance of press freedom as a precursor for democracy. It concludes that the relevant regional legal framework offers adequate protection for the safety of journalists. However, countries have not fully implemented their obligations. In particular, press and cyber laws create a chilling effect on the treatment of journalists. The article contributes to a broader interrogation of how discourses about the safety of journalists are constructed and applied in the context of growing online activity." (Abstract)
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"Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) are a form of legal harassment. Pursued by law firms on behalf of powerful individuals and organisations who seek to avoid public scrutiny, their aim is to drain the target’s financial and psychological resources and chill critical voices t
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o the detriment of public participation. Currently, no EU country has enacted targeted rules that specifically shield against SLAPP suits. EU-wide rules providing for strong and consistent protection against SLAPP suits would mark a crucial step forward towards ending this abusive practice in EU Member States and serve as a benchmark for countries in the rest of Europe and beyond. Together with other legislative and non-legislative measures, it would contribute to secure a safer environment for public watchdogs and public participation in the EU." (Page 3)
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"Judges and courts, both at national and regional levels, will find these guidelines useful to ensure the application of international and regional human rights standards of freedom of expression and privacy when ruling on cases involving States’ responses to the COVID-19 outbreak that have an imp
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act to freedom of expression, press freedom, access to information, privacy and safety of journalists. When resorting to state of emergency powers to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic, States must comply with requirements, criteria and procedures established by international and regional legal instruments to safeguard citizens’ fundamental rights and prevent abuses and arbitrariness. While reporting on the pandemic, journalists may become targets of attacks and intimidations and face limitations due to imposed restrictions. Their work should be considered as the provision of an essential service, therefore protection must be provided and any violations to their safety should be thoroughly investigated and prosecuted. The development of health data collection tools to track infections and properly identify potential disseminators of the virus should consider the effects on the right to privacy, and therefore, observe international standards regarding data protection." (Highlights)
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"Disinformation and infodemics have been central for the media policy agenda in most countries and in particular in Europe. Yet, the European Commission has had a soft law approach centralizing obligations to handling information disorder on a content level. This commentary argues that by focusing p
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rimarily on the content level we miss the bigger picture where disinformation and infodemics are only symptoms of something more important on a media infrastructure level. The commentary suggests that we need to reconsider regulation on the infrastructure level instead that supports the democratic need for better access to verified content by looking at how the current legal structure across regulatory silos is benefitting the exact opposite. Furthermore, the commentary suggests to specifically address influencers (defined by number of followers) in the context of moderation, and lastly suggests that user data is ideally stored and governed outside privately owned companies in Europe in order to benefit users and society at large." (Abstract)
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