"Die Neuorientierung des FES-Medienprojekts für das südliche Afrika hat also zu einer eindeutigen Konzentration auf diese drei Hauptarbeitsbereiche (politische Rahmenbedingungen, alternative Medien und Gender) geführt. Daraus folgt, dass die Stiftung konsequent auf einen Arbeitsbereich verzichtet
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hat, in dem sie früher sehr aktiv war: der Aus- und Fortbildung von Journalisten im rein handwerklichen Bereich (an deren Bedarf es keinen Zweifel geben kann). Das muss nicht notwendigerweise für die gesellschaftspolitisch relevante und themenorientierte Fortbildung gelten. Dieser Rückzug hatte mehrere Gründe: Zum einen mangelt es im südlichen Afrika nicht an entsprechenden Angeboten (auch von Geber-Seite). Zum anderen wurde die Frage, ob dieses Arbeitsfeld zum Kernauftrag einer politischen Stiftung gehört, nach langer Diskussion negativ beantwortet. Und angesichts der immer knapper werdenden Mittel sind die Stiftungen gezwungen, sich auf den Kern ihrer Arbeit zu konzentrieren. Hinzu kamen die durch Erfahrungen bedingten Zweifel an der nachhaltigen Wirksamkeit von relativ kurzen Fortbildungsmaßnahmen, die in der Regel isoliert vom täglichen Arbeitsumfeld der Teilnehmer stattfinden." (Seite 11-12)
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"INASP-Health is a UK-based programme that promotes international networking amongst all those involved in the provision and use of health information including librarians, publishers, biomedical researchers, funding agencies, development professionals, frontline healthcare providers, public health
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specialists, social scientists and others, in order to improve access to relevant and reliable information for health professionals in developing and transitional countries. It was launched in 1996 as a programme of the International Network for the Availability of Scientific Publications (INASP). It has one full-time staff member, with some support for administration and finance from INASP. Since its inception, its activities have grown to include an Advisory and Liaison Service, bi-monthly Health Information Forum (HIF) meetings, the HIF-net at WHO email discussion list, the INASP Health Links Internet gateway, the Health Library Partnerships Database, and the INASP-Health Directory. INASP-Health's success has been to develop a set of real resources with expectations around their potential for further development. In the period reviewed for this evaluation, the work of INASP-Health has contributed to the improvement of access to reliable, relevant information for health professionals in developing countries. But demands on its services are growing and INASP-Health has now reached a stage where some fundamental decisions need to be made on its future development." (Executive summary)
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"When the Communist barricades collapsed in 1989, hundreds of Americans rushed to Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics to spread the gospel of democracy. Among them were some of America’s most altruistic journalists, who hoped to midwife a newly independent press. Since then, the U.S. go
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vernment and private agenc ies have spent more than $600 million on media development. The payoff for these millions has been the training and empowerment of thousands of journalists, the establishment of numerous television and radio networks, the resurrection and creation of newspapers and, in some countries, the toppling of corrupt governments due to reporting that was unimaginable before 1989. Balancing these successes, though, is a second wave of repression and censorship in many places, including the core post-Communist societies where most of the money was spent. In much of the former U.S.S.R, for example, millions of dollars in aid have not produced a viable independent media." (Introduction)
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"The International Media Support (IMS) Conference, entitled ‘Friends or Foes? - Peacekeeping Forces, Humanitarian Aid and Media Development’ was held in Copenhagen on 26 and 27 November 2004. The theme of the Conference was the dilemma facing media development in the wake of peacekeeping and hum
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anitarian aid operations in conflict-affected areas. The need for rapid and effective dissemination of information from aid organisations and peacekeeping forces sometimes collides with the development of an independent media sector. The conference therefore sought to examine cases from post-conflict situations, including amongst others Liberia, Iraq, Kosovo and Afghanistan. The speakers included representative from peacekeeping forces, humanitarian aid agencies, media organisations and freedom of expression organisations." (Page 3)
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"Determining that the time had come to derive lessons from past efforts, think afresh about media assistance, and perhaps add some new models - including approaches for Africa and Asia, where the cultural preconditions and economic prospects are quite different from those of Europe - USAID’s Burea
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u for Policy and Program Coordination (PPC) undertook a year-long evaluation and review of USAID’s media assistance programs. The goal of the review was to develop a set of learning tools and promote a more aggressive media development agenda. The media assistance review was launched in July 2002 by PPC’s Dr. Krishna Kumar, who convened about 30 USAID and public diplomacy officials, congressional aides, journalists, and NGO media development practitioners to assess what has worked, what has not, and what might be done differently. Much of the discussion focused on the need to create professional, independent media that can give voice to different sectors of society, provide useful information, and hold powerful institutions and individuals accountable. The candid discussion also revealed areas of tension. Media development practitioners cited tensions arising from the possibility that the goals of public diplomacy were sometimes incompatible with the goals underlying the promotion of the development of independent, indigenous media. Another tension related to the competing priorities and methods of media work in conflict zones versus those of long-term media development in more stable developing democracies." (Introduction, page 7)
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"The first section provides summary information on 69 UNDP supported projects and initiatives as of 2002/03. These initiatives were identified primarily by desk research from three main sources: (i) direct feedback from the Sub-Regional Resource Facilities (SURFs)2), the COs and Regional Bureaux, (i
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i) scanning of UNDP intranet databases and internal reporting systems especially the data contained in the ROAR3), and (iii) scanning of the internet including CO, SURF and Regional Bureaux websites and general Internet searches [...] The second section provides information on more than 100 international organizations actively working on Access to Information issues. The majority of these organizations work with developing countries to promote freedom of expression and information. They were identified through (i) internet and literature searches (ii) direct feedback from country offices, regional bureaux and SURFs and (iii) referrals from within and outside UNDP." (Page 6)
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"This paper argues that heightened media involvement in the PRSP (Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers) process could help build a stronger independent media sector while preparing citizens to take an active role in dialogues that will have a huge impact on their lives. Media involvement would help fra
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me issues for discussion; provide background analysis; and disseminate results of the consultations, noting minority or dissenting points of view. In addition, similar to the steps taken to strengthen the private sector in developing countries, the resulting PRSP itself could include legal and regulatory reforms that would facilitate the development of an independent media sector. A skilled and viable independent media sector is a society’s most promising tool for providing citizens the information they need to bring about and sustain government reform and poverty reduction." (Page 1)
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"Serbian media assistance programs reflect two approaches to media development. Though they occasionally created friction, the differing approaches produced positive results. The goal of USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (USAID/OTI) was to fund programs and media outlets that could dissemin
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ate messages pushing immediate political change. USAID/OTI characterized its activities as “pushing the reform agenda.” This approach contrasted with but complemented that of USAID’s Bureau for Europe and Eurasia (USAID/E&E), which supported long-term, sustainable media development projects. While USAID/E&E’s projects contributed to the short-term goal of regime change in Serbia, they were also designed to aid the democratic transition that followed. Despite—or perhaps because of—this dynamic tension, the overall USAID program was very successful. Democratic elements in Serbia received— and still have—the media tools to effect democratic change. NGOs, media outlets, and democratic activists also received the topical programs and emergency infusions funded by USAID/OTI and USAID/E&E. Two years after the fall of Milosevic, personnel and basic media infrastructure remain in place to serve the ongoing democratic transition and broaden coverage of issues in public discourse." (Executive summary, page xi-xii)
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"1. Filled an Important Supporting Role to Indigenous Civil Society: Centre Lokole work supported indigenous civil society, providing them with information and services that enabled them to be more effective and informed in their work. This is important as it reinforces the sustainability of indigen
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ous agencies. Further consideration should be given to providing open and equal access for all local groups. 2. Developed a Highly Popular and Effective Radio Medium: The radio soap opera Jirani Ni Ndugu is the jewel in the Centre Lokole crown. This radio programme is highly popular and effective, with what appears to be a dedicated listenership that takes to heart many of the messages of the programme. Not all the radio programmes have avid followings however and further consideration needs to occur as to the strategic purpose these shows make. 3. Programming Initiated a Multiplier Effect: The results of CL programming went beyond those directly engaged participants. Independent initiatives resulting from engagement in a CL activity or project were clearly visible." (Executive summary)
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"In the case of media assistance in Afghanistan, financial and organizational resources originate almost exclusively from Western donors and INGOs, which largely bypass the Afghan Government. Organizations within the funding chain thus hold a functional form of power arising from the deployment of a
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llocative resources and it enables them to attempt an instigation of social change in Afghanistan. According to the notion of power associated with Talcott Parson, a functional form of power requires coordination and collaboration in order to achieve collective goals within a political process. However, conflicts may arise in Afghanistan if collective goals diverge among the various foreign and domestic participants involved in altering the media space. This could occur if the various participants do not envision the outcome of media assistance objectives as a zero-sum game. Additionally, Giddens asserts that Parson underestimates the contestation of the norms necessary to pursue collective goals in the first place. Even though the Afghan Government and international donors purportedly agree on the installation of a democracy with a free and independent media, they still need to overcome resistance from existing power holders or entrenched structural properties impeding such a development. In the context of Afghanistan, it is very conceivable that media assistance could prompt intentional or even unintentional consequences caused by social actors discontent with the normative values and goals promulgated by media assistance. Such unintentional conditions may render the desired outcomes of media assistance providers impossible and undermine the desired social transformation. It is erroneous, though, to apply a positivist view that judges the success or failure of media assistance according to the outcome of the flux between structure and interaction alluded to in chapter four. In fact, such a view would be contrary to the propositions of structuration theory that imply a lack of definable boundaries in which structure and interaction intermingles. Equally wrong is to evaluate the media assistance effort by funding amounts contributed by donors, even though financial resources are a pre-requisite for rebuilding the media infrastructure. Instead, media assistance can be conceived as a form of empowerment that imbues a target society with a collective consciousness concerning its ability to alter structural properties, which represent forms of power and domination according to Giddens. The success of media assistance therefore is to produce a collective awareness that individuals can influence the structural properties of a social system, regardless of the direction of change emanating from the mediation of structure and action. The process of change requires not only the acquisition of functional power through allocative resources, but also the acquisition of transformative power by means of controlling authoritative resources, which are involved in the coordination of a social system. Afghans need to control the actors or institutions that selectively filter information in order to reflexively “regulate the overall conditions of system reproduction either to keep things as they are or to change them” (Giddens, 1984, page 27). Yet, it remains unresolved to what extent media assistance has provided Afghans with transformative power and whether or not it allows them to influence the underlying forces that mediate the structural properties in society." (Conclusions, page 39-40)
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