"This report finds that the potential of ICTs to enable stronger governance, efective public service delivery and better government services is there. In all countries that are part of this study, critical foundational infrastructure is in place [...] But there’s still a lot to be unlocked. Increa
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sed internet connectivity, the availability of mobile devices and online services and access to information are creating a greater demand from users to their governments. International donors similarly focus on the delivery of ‘digital aid’, using ICTs to provide international assistance more eficiently and efectively [...] The report reaches five main conclusions for the implementation of e-government and digital government initiatives, and it concludes with four recommendations for future programming of international support in the area of ICTs and e-government." (Summary)
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"Investigating the root causes of the Syrian uprising of 2011, New Media and Revolution shows how acts of online resistance prepared the ground for better-organised street mobilisation. The book interprets the uprising not as the start of Syria’s social mobilisation but as a shift from online to o
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ffline contestation, and from localised and hidden practices of digital dissent to tangible mass street protests. Brownlee goes beyond the common dichotomy that frames new media as either a deus ex machina or a means of expression to demonstrate that, in Syria, media was a nontraditional institution that enabled resistance to digitally manifest and gestate below, within, and parallel to formal institutions of power. To refute the idea that the population of Syria was largely apathetic and apolitical prior to the uprising, Brownlee explains that social media and technology created camouflaged geographies and spaces where individuals could protest without being detected." (Publisher description)
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"This report presents our main findings from eleven months of social media monitoring. We identify the main narratives of online discourse and their key drivers, as well as the weaknesses of Libya’s social media landscape — and how to address them." (Summary)
"In 2019, the European Union adopted the “Directive (EU) 2019/1937 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October 2019 on the protection of persons who report breaches of Union law” (Whistleblower Protection Directive). EU Member States are required to transpose the provisions of th
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e Directive into national law by 17 December 2021. This is an opportunity for all EU countries to bring their national legal framework on whistleblower protection in line with international standards and best practice. The Directive contains many advanced provisions, such as the obligations for a wide range of entities to establish internal whistleblowing mechanisms, to follow up on reports and to keep the whistleblower informed. However, it also has some significant gaps [...] It is important therefore that EU Member States adopt national legislation on whistleblower protection that not only meets the minimum standards of the Directive but that also goes beyond the Directive, to meet international standards and best practice. As such, this methodology is designed to enable assessment of national legislation on whistleblower protection against both the minimum standards set by the EU Directive and best practice." (Introduction, page 3)
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"[...] Integrity Action has been exploring this question through conversations with civil society representatives, government, researchers, and citizens. During 2020 we interviewed 25 figures from sectors including social accountability, open government, and civic tech, and combined this with feedba
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ck from CSOs, government officials and citizens taking part in some of our projects. The majority of the contributors were from the Global South. We combined this with a literature review covering around 200 shortlisted research, policy and evaluation reports from a variety of fields. We were not only asking how citizen-centred accountability (CCA) mechanisms can be made to last, but also asking more broadly whether and when sustainability should be pursued, and what sustainability looks like in social accountability. In addition, we explored particular issues of relevance to sustained impact, including incentives for key stakeholders, the importance (or otherwise) of independence from the service provider, the use of technology, and inclusion. The purpose of this note is to begin to break down and make sense of some of the different perspectives on sustainability we have encountered though these discussions, as the first of a number of contributions on the topic over the coming months. Together, these contributions aim to offer a range of insights for different stakeholders: for donors thinking about long term funding horizons and different models they might want to support; for practitioners thinking about the kinds of questions to consider when designing CCA programmes and mechanisms; and for academics and experts, as a modest contribution to our collective understanding of the value of CCA more generally." (Page 1)
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"There is a strong consensus within the governance space that citizen engagement is integral in supporting social accountability and strengthening democracy. The impact of the modalities through which citizens make demands on the degree to which citizens feel empowered to trigger recognition and act
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ion from the duty holders remains an open question, more so in the Kenyan context where citizen engagement and social accountability align to the Constitution’s provisions on “public participation”. To this end, Africa’s Voices bridges this gap by deploying its innovative approach to civic engagement through the ‘Common Social Accountability Platform’ (CSAP) which uses interactive radio shows to achieve meaningful spaces of mediated public discussion between citizens and authorities that are valued by both and strengthens relations between them. The approach also provides evidence of citizen opinions in a form that supports policy action by authorities. In the Strengthening Public Accountability and Integrity Systems (SPAIS) pilot project, AVF focused the intervention on the urban poor settlements of Nairobi through a series of weekly interactive radio shows in three popular radio stations over a period of 2 months (8 shows per station for a total of 24 broadcasts over 8 weeks). While the shows explored a range of issues relevant to corruption, transparency, public participation and accountability, in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the content of the discussions was largely focused on health governance and healthcare service delivery. The topics of discussion included overall citizen experience and satisfaction in healthcare service provision; appropriate utilisation of resources allocated to healthcare for COVID-19; and citizen perceptions of their role in ensuring and monitoring appropriate resource allocation for healthcare. The intervention also served as a mechanism for citizens to air concerns and grievances related to potential corruption incidents in the healthcare sector and beyond. This SPAIS project convenes large-scale, plural and inclusive accountability dialogues between authorities and citizens in urban poor settlements of Nairobi with a view to promote and uphold public accountability and the role that citizens can play in countering corruption, to enhance citizen perceptions of voice and efficacy, government recognition of and engagement with citizens, and ultimately the forging of trust between citizens and authorities. Moreover, this project aims to strengthen citizen engagement in the monitoring of healthcare service delivery in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and to provide trusted spaces for an exchange on matters related to the provision and quality of healthcare services. It envisions to draw rich insights from citizen voices and recommend programme options for UNDP and SPAIS partners to adapt future programming to the needs and opinions of citizens regarding tackling corruption in the health sector." (Introduction, page 7-8)
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"Cet ouvrage analyse le contenu des débats télévisés régulièrement organisés au Cameroun, de 2017 à 2020, à la faveur de la libéralisation politique, du moins en principe, et de celle, subséquente, du secteur médiatique, en particulier la télévision. Il se dégage de cette analyse que
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les échanges, souvent discourtois, acerbes, voire haineux, entre les participants, tournent essentiellement autour du pouvoir conçu comme une question de vie ou de mort. Ils reflètent ou révèlent, en tout cas, le degré zéro, c'est-à-dire nul, du jeu politique, dans un pays géoculturellement en mosaïque, fragile et laborieusement engagé dans le processus de construction d'un impérieux consensus national." (Dos de couverture)
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"In der politischen Kommunikation zeigen sich markante Veränderungen: Sie wird digitaler, effizienter, pluraler, individueller, globaler, dynamischer und hybrider – vorangetrieben durch die Diffusion der digital basierten Medien. Diese sieben Tendenzen bündeln sich zu einem strukturellen Wandel.
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Der ist ambivalent und öffnet Chancen für Außenseiter und birgt Risiken für etablierte Akteure. Individuen, Organisationen und Gesellschaften können den Wandel gestalten. Es ist abzusehen, dass Künstliche Intelligenz einen weiteren Schub des strukturellen Wandels auslösen wird." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This report analyses a persistent, large-scale influence campaign linked to Chinese state actors on Twitter and Facebook. This activity largely targeted Chinese-speaking audiences outside of the Chinese mainland (where Twitter is blocked) with the intention of influencing perceptions on key issues,
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including the Hong Kong protests, exiled Chinese billionaire Guo Wengui and, to a lesser extent Covid-19 and Taiwan. Extrapolating from the takedown dataset, to which we had advanced access, given to us by Twitter, we have identified that this operation continues and has pivoted to try to weaponise the US Government’s response to current domestic protests and create the perception of a moral equivalence with the suppression of protests in Hong Kong." (https://www.aspi.org.au)
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