"Talkback radio programs (TBP) were established to educate the Cambodian public on governance issues and provide a channel through which they could communicate with authorities directly. Programs were broadcast in 4 provinces: Battambang, Kampong Cham, Siem Reap, and Kampot. This impact briefing rev
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eals the progress made by the radio program towards building political accountability and political participation. TBP listeners displayed consistently better knowledge and understanding of governance than non-listeners. Radio staff also reported strong governance competencies. Crucially, TBP led directly to 122 promises being met or partially met by local authorities." (https://www.abc.net.au/abc-international-development)
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"En tiempos de redes sociales, los actores políticos colocan sus contenidos en Twitter y Facebook para que sean replicados por otros medios y por la población. Sin embargo, los políticos tienen a los medios de comunicación como su principal vehículo de transmisión de ideas y mensajes a los ciu
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dadanos. En este marco, el autor escoge el diario El Comercio como objeto de estudio por tratarse del medio escrito más representativo del principal conglomerado empresarial de comunicaciones del país. La empresa que lo cobija tiene un accionariado casi exclusivamente familiar, bastante distribuido entre cientos de miembros de la familia Miró Quesada, quienes se agrupan en diversas facciones que reflejan variaciones importantes en su línea política durante las últimas dos décadas. Así, los juegos de poder y coaliciones en su interior determinan la predominancia de una determinada línea editorial en un lapso de tiempo marcado sobre la cual el autor busca echar luces mediante el examen de la historia del periódico como poder fáctico y su influencia en lo que va de la centuria actual. Durante las últimas dos décadas, el diario El Comercio ha tenido importantes giros en su línea editorial. Inició el presente siglo con una perspectiva liberal moderada, pasó posteriormente a una etapa decididamente conservadora y hoy tiene posiciones liberales en lo político y social y libertarias en lo económico." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"Al-Gama’a [The Society], a 28-part television biopic of Muslim Brotherhood founder Hasan al-Banna, was broadcast in the fall of 2010, just before the January 25, 2011 Revolution. The writer of the series, Wahid Hamid, was an important screenwriter for both television and the cinema and a figure k
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nown for his affinity with the state’s security apparatus. Al-Gama’a functioned as a rhetorical capstone for decades of anti-Brotherhood state discourse. It also powerfully anticipated the anti-Brotherhood apologetics used to rationalize the Rab‘a massacre of 2013, which effectively ended the revolution and cemented the coup by ‘Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi against Muhammad Morsy. The series enacted a historical narrative that was almost completely absent from Egypt’s formal educational curriculum, thereby furthering a political agenda of dehumanizing Islamists and effectively excommunicating them from the national community. Hence in 2013, a thousand Egyptians were slaughtered in a day, and yet many of their fellow citizens saw the event as destiny rather than as a crime against humanity." (Abtract)
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"Fundamentally, this paper argues that the lack of political will combined with the failure of state-building processes to develop the frameworks and institutions to support independent media is maintaining a media landscape that reflects the key political challenges of Iraq. The politics of success
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ive Iraqi governments continues to affect the functioning and the perception of the media, leaving them unable to provide content that can support democratic and transparent political processes. Attempts at media reform or support for sustainable, relevant, independent media platforms must take into account the wider context of Iraq and its political structures as well as the existing conditions of corruption and fragility. They also require much deeper consultation with local media stakeholders combined with a greater coordination with global initiatives to support the development of independent media." (Conclusion)
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"LA hat sich in den vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten wie nie zuvor mit seiner Medienlandschaft beschäftigt. Von den intensiven, oft auch polemischen Debatten wurden viele Problemzonen des Journalismus auf dem Kontinent angestrahlt: Konzentration, Meinungsmonoronie, Homogenität und Elitendominanz. Dies
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ist auch ein Verdienst jener Regierungen, die um die Jahrtausendwende ihren Aufstieg begannen. Es ist ihnen gelungen, das Thema fest im lateinamerik. Bewusstsein zu verankern, so dass es selbst präsent bleiben könnte, wenn die Politik wieder eine andere Richtung einschlägt und ein Vergessen anstrebt. Beseitigt haben sie die ewigen Schwächen allerdings kaum. In einzelnen Ländern - in Ecuador, besonders aber in Venezuela - ist der Medienpluralismus sogar eingeschränkter. Dass die Massenmedien zunehmend ihre Ausnahmestellung als Agendaserrer und Gatekeeper verlieren, hat weder politische Gründe, noch ist dies ein regionales Phänomen. Fernsehen, Radio und Zeitung hatten für LAs Politiker stets eine fast lebenswichtige Funktion - wenngleich manchmal auch nur die, einen guten Feind abzugeben. Doch das Massenpublikum zerfällt mehr und mehr -und damit auch eine Reihe kommunikativer Gewissbeiten, die lange das Verhältnis geprägt haben. Twitter, YouTube und Instagram, v. a. aber Facebook und WhatsApp sind zu bedeutenden Kanälen aufgestiegen -und sie kosten fast nichts, was auf einem Kontinent mit großer Armut ein immenser Vorteil ist und weiteres Wachstum erwarten lässt. Politiker werden mit ihren Narrativen dorthin wandern, wo ihre Wähler kommunizieren und kommentieren. Insofern dürfte Jair Bolsonaros erfolgreicher Internet-Wahlkampf in Brasilien Nachahmer finden. Rückblickend könnte er einmal wie der Beginn einer Zeitenwende erscheinen, die die Selbsterlösung der Politik aus ihrer Abhängigkeit vom Journalismus angekündigt hat. Kommunikative Hegemonie könnte dann keine Frage von Mediengesetzen oder Kraftproben mit Presse-Imperien mehr sein, sondern eher eine des Kapitals." (Ausblick, Seite 663)
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"Egyptian Ramadan TV series have explored the relationship between law and television in a number of iterations over the past few years. In 2017, the most watched production (115 million views on YouTube), Kalabsh, went one step further by examining the interaction between television broadcasting an
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d social media in affecting the course of justice. Even though its events revolve around the framing and wrongful incrimination of a ‘good’ police officer, the dynamics suggest a not-so-subtle reference to the January 25, 2011 uprising. It portrayed social media actors as naïve agitators, outsmarted and used by those same dark networks of business and politics that they intend to expose and ultimately to unseat. This representation strengthens the counter-revolution’s narrative of the January 25 uprising as the making of some ‘Facebook kids’ ['iyal bitu' il-face]. With Kalabsh, Egyptian TV series recalibrate the representation of the role of television broadcasting in affecting the course of justice and thus produce a new narrative that includes social media. This representation challenges as ‘optimistic’ the reading of the ‘democratic’ nature of social media by showing how its actors are even more prone to falling prey to mystifications and networks of corruption. The centrality of television broadcasting in affecting the course of justice clearly recedes in Kalabsh, but television broadcasting itself seems to regain some reputation." (Abstract)
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"Organizations often announce their protest activities prior to their implementation to mobilize awareness, recruit supporters, and receive media attention. We are interested in the effectiveness of protest announcements—that is, under what conditions governments make concessions to avoid having a
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n announced protest take place. Governments assess the costs and benefits of providing concessions by taking into account the level of credible threat of the announced protest and the costs related to concessions. We test these assumptions with a unique data set on protest announcements and concessions in Nepal (2007-2010). Using cross-sectional regressions, we demonstrate that protest announcements by unions, announcements with highly threatening tactics and announcements with minimal demands will bring about concessions from the government. We contribute to the growing literature on different protest tactics by providing systematic empirical evidence, for the first time, on the effectiveness of mere protest announcements." (Abstract)
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"In contrast to earlier publications on Chinese propaganda and media, 'Chinese propaganda seducing the world' offers the first comprehensive analysis of propaganda from Mao to today. Here lies the book’s strength. The author, Jeanne Boden, holds a PhD in Oriental Languages and Cultures (Ghent Univ
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ersity), and draws on years of experience studying the complexity of cross-cultural cooperation, in particular, between Europe and China. She has conducted an impressive analysis of more than 2,500 photographs of propaganda in public spaces all over China taken between 1994 and 2018, and, additionally, on other formats like propaganda movies, television programs, and myriad publications. Displayed throughout the book, these materials include gems such as the unique picture taken in Lhasa in 2002 with a Chinese propaganda slogan dating back to 1966–1976 (pp.61), the somewhat surreal Communist Party Theme Park (pp.82), or the striking example of a public humiliation campaign from during the Cultural Revolution that has been turned into a tourist commodity (pp.64). Substantial context is added to the analysis. For example, how “[c]onstruction itself has become a political measure of China’s success and growth and is therefore actively put to use for political purposes” (pp.31), or how “the absence of the idea of privacy in the socialist work unit paved the way for the technologically advanced control seen in China today” (pp.142)." (Review by Jono van Belle in: Communications, vol. 45:1, 2020)
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"This book investigates the role of media and communication in processes of democratization in different political and cultural contexts. Struggles for democratic change are periods of intense contest over the transformation of citizenship and the reconfiguration of political power. These democratiz
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ation conflicts are played out within an increasingly complex media ecology where traditional modes of communication merge with new digital networks, thus bringing about multiple platforms for journalists and political actors to promote and contest competing definitions of reality. The volume draws on extensive case study research in South Africa, Kenya, Egypt and Serbia to highlight the ambivalent role of the media as force for democratic change, citizen empowerment, and accountability, as well as driver of polarization, radicalization and manipulation." (Publisher description)
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"Eight years after the Arab Spring there is still much debate over the link between Internet technology and protest against authoritarian regimes. While the debate has advanced beyond the simple question of whether the Internet is a tool of liberation or one of surveillance and propaganda, theory an
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d empirical data attesting to the circumstances under which technology benefits autocratic governments versus opposition activists is scarce. In this book, Nils B. Weidmann and Espen Geelmuyden Rød offer a broad theory about why and when digital technology is used for one end or another, drawing on detailed empirical analyses of the relationship between the use of Internet technology and protest in autocracies. By leveraging new sub-national data on political protest and Internet penetration, they present analyses at the level of cities in more than 60 autocratic countries. The book also introduces a new methodology for estimating Internet use, developed in collaboration with computer scientists and drawing on large-scale observations of Internet traffic at the local level. Through this data, the authors analyze political protest as a process that unfolds over time and space, where the effect of Internet technology varies at different stages of protest. They show that violent repression and government institutions affect whether Internet technology empowers autocrats or activists, and that the effect of Internet technology on protest varies across different national environments." (Publisher description)
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"Internews Rumour Tracking Methodology consists of four key functions: 1. A mechanism to determine and document which rumours are circulating; 2. An effective strategy to fact-check information and rumours; 3. A variety of accessible and inclusive mechanisms to share accurate responses to rumours; 4
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. A mechanism to share community voices with humanitarians and other stakeholders. Internews programs enable the community to access relevant and trusted information and provide community feedback to foster more inclusive decision making within humanitarian programs. These bridges are based on symmetrical two-way relationships that are attuned to listening as much as producing information and that link the national, local, and hyper-local information levels. This Learning Collection manual offers case studies, practical instructions and a template library to implement Internews rumour tracking methodology and through this effectively address rumours in humanitarian crisis and conflicts around the world. "Part I. Context" describes the importance of access to fair, accurate and actionable information; the damage rumours can do in a humanitarian context; and the value of Internews Rumour Tracking Methodology as a tool for communicating with communities and humanitarian accountability. "Part II. Case Study" gives an overview of several Internews rumour tracking projects and an in-depth case study of rumour tracking in Greece. The case study also covers challenges and lessons learned in order to offer recommendations for future rumour tracking activities." (Page 9)
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"The media sector in Kyrgyzstan is heavily dominated by the government through both ownership and funding. The government funds a large pool of state-owned media companies, including newspapers, radio broadcasters and the public service operator KTRK. According to our estimates, the government spent
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some US$ 7.6m in the media in 2018, more than 75% of which was accounted for by the state budget allocation for KTRK. On top of that, in a move aimed at gaining loyalty of media outlets, it is believed that the government is using state-owned companies, mainly banks and mining firms, or other public institutions, to fund more media. The value of these contributions is not publicly available. According to our calculations, and interviews with experts and journalists carried out for this report, we estimate the value of government funding in the media to be upwards of US$ 10m, which is equivalent to roughly half the value of the advertising market in Kyrgyzstan. Such an overly dominant position of the government in the media harms the country’s journalism in many ways. First, most of the media that relies on government cash is biased in its reporting. KTRK, one of the most influential broadcasters in Kyrgyzstan thanks partly to its nationwide coverage, is a devoted promoter of state policies and rarely provides alternative points of view. More than a third of KTRK’s airtime is filled with state propaganda, recent studies showed. Second, the government’s intervention in the media has a distorting effect on the market, discouraging investments and stymieing innovation and experimentation. Besides government funding, a major source of revenue for the media is the informal financing, comprising ad hoc contributions made by people or companies to media outlets as a way to buy their allegiance [...] Philanthropy remains the sole source of support for independent media. However, its contribution is a pittance compared to the other sources of media funding. The philanthropy funding in the Kyrgyz media during the past decade, some US$ 6.1m, is less than two-thirds of the state spending in one year alone." (Page 4)
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"This rapid literature review will focus on the influence of government communication on the government-media relationship. It does not encompass other avenues through which government is able to affect the media environment such as legislation, public policy and political culture. The role of the p
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ublic media is briefly considered. This rapid literature review was able to find only one study, which examined the role of the government communication on media as part of a broader inquiry on the influence of government communication and public trust in the government of the United States (US) (Liu, Horsley, & Yang, 2012). Liu et al. (2012) found that there was a positive relationship between media interaction and good coverage of the US government. This finding suggests that governments may have an incentive to foster good relations with the media. The other main findings of the review are summarised below: Governments require a positive relationship with the media in order to communicate with the public and build legitimacy for their decisions (OECD, 2016); Media often rely on official government information, especially during war and conflict, and therefore need friendly relations with government to gain access to information (Yuksel, 2013); The engagement between elites, the media and the public is complex and is unlikely to be controlled or dominated by any particular set of actors (Yuksel, 2013); In some countries that were transitioning to democracy, development assistance for media has helped to foster media which is critical of the government, resulting in a tense relationship between media and government (Rub, 1996)" (Summary, page 2)
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"Efforts to fight the spread of disinformation have had mixed results. Self-regulation by online platforms such as Twitter or Facebook puts a great deal of power in their hands, with potentially negative effects on independent news outlets that depend on social media for their outreach. State regula
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tion, meanwhile, raises concerns of censorship. There is a danger that methods intended to reduce disinformation, implemented clumsily or without sufficient regard for their effects, will actually exacerbate the anti-establishment feeling that drives disinformation in the first place. Just as the disinformation problem can, to a great extent, be traced back to wider structural faults in the political system, the solution, too, must be partly structural. There must be a shift in commercial practices to disrupt the commercial motivations driving disinformation, make online platforms more fair, transparent and open, and reduce the pressure on media outlets to compete for attention." (Executive summary)
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"Die Berichterstattung der kasachstanischen Massenmedien über Proteste im Lande folgt einer klaren Linie. Kleinere Proteste werden ignoriert. Wenn über größere Demonstrationen berichtet wird, kommen ihre Vertreter nicht zu Wort und ihre Forderungen werden nicht erwähnt. Stattdessen werden der i
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llegale Charakter der Proteste und das friedliche Verhalten der Polizei betont. So gibt es auf Seiten der Polizei Verletzte, auf Seiten der Demonstranten nur Verhaftete, also potentielle Täter. Gleichzeitig inszeniert sich der Präsident des Landes als Versöhner, der die Polizei mäßigt und einen Dialog anbietet. Das Maximum an innerhalb Kasachstans möglicher kritischer Distanz demonstriert die Wirtschaftszeitschrift Ekspert-Kasachstan. Sie widerspricht aber nicht der offiziellen Linie, sondern verzichtet nur auf ihre Wiedergabe. Ihre distanzierte Berichterstattung ist deshalb ohne Vorwissen nicht einzuordnen. Die vereinzelten kritischen Stimmen bei Wremja und Megapolis gehen in der Menge entgegengesetzter Stellungnahmen ebenfalls unter, wenn nicht von vornherein eine kritische Haltung beim Leser vorhanden ist." (Seite 5)
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"The central focus of this study is the dynamic and complex relationship between elections and (digital) media. This choice of focus is explained by the need to safeguard the integrity and credibility of electoral processes, as well as the role of the news media during election periods, in the face
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of new issues related to the digital environment. These issues include (i) online disinformation; (ii) the digital dimension of the safety of journalists and other media actors, and (iii) disruptive practices in election campaigning and communications." (Introduction)
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